ETHIOPIA: A PLACE WHERE NAMES SHOULDN’T COUNT FOR MUCH

By Teshome Abebe*


I begin this essay by paying tribute to the men who perished in the hands of the cowardly, ignorant, despicable, and abhorrent criminals who murder men and women and enslave children for political gain in search of power. Though their aim was, in part, to provoke inter and intra-religious antagonism and conflict in Ethiopia, they must have discovered, to their surprise, that in matters of peace and war, Ethiopians do not have a history of begging for mercy. In the spirit of the age-old Ethiopian tradition, the young men who perished never begged for mercy knowing fully that those who plead for it never get it.

Emperors Libene Dingel and Gelawdewos never begged for mercy when Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi, (‘Ahmed Gragne’) and his cousin Nur Ibn Miyahid, took turns horrifying the land; Tewodros never begged for mercy in the face of a superior invading foreign force; Yohannes never begged for mercy—instead he presented his neck; Abuna Petros never begged the Fascists of Italy for mercy—he died willingly. The countless ‘arbegnotch’ and scholars whose heads were chopped off by the Italians never begged for mercy—they knew they would be remembered as heroes by the future sons and daughters of Ethiopia.

A man alone is an easy prey even for a hyena, and the men who perished didn’t die rich. But they died stubbornly, committed to their individual faith, and whether we agree with their faiths or not, we admire their resolve and acceptance of their fate. We only wish that the Ethiopian government will do everything in its power to determine who was behind the dastardly criminal act so that we will be able to figure out and understand the real force or forces that perceived a license to spill the blood of its citizens.

Now, to my intended essay. In this essay, I wish to argue that acknowledging one’s errors is never a sign of weakness. Instead, it can be a sign of confidence and the acquisition of new knowledge—i.e. learning. I believe it must have been one of the former presidents of the United States who once said that there could be no effort without error or shortcomings! This is true for every undertaking, and it certainly is true of politics in general. Furthermore, we can safely state that there can be no single authority in a multidimensional world. And there can be no single arbitrating authority in a world with a multitude of issues and multiple identities. Whenever there is some sort of authority, it is usually authority based upon the largest audience or followership. Even a dictator’s authority is divisible in that he or she has to at least have the concurrence or acquiescence of some.

Over the past several years, there have been numerous individuals who have argued as well as counseled that the Ethiopian economy needed to be diversified, and that the private sector needed to be opened up to those with investment potential and capabilities regardless of their domicile. Without ignoring completely the government’s arguments that the infant industry at home needed some protection as well as the compelling argument that there are activities where the private sector would not willingly make investments, like road building, bridges, and other essential infrastructure of the ‘public good’ nature, some adjustment of current policy is essential. It is in this sense that I welcome the news that the government is planning to make changes or a course correction in at least some sectors. For example, it is now common knowledge that the government is going to open up the housing sector for foreign investments, and to make 2.3 million hectares of land available for investors. In addition, even the most strident supporters of the government are raising serious questions about the government’s inability to remain impartial in the market place, and for its perceived inability to curb rent-seeking activities including in the more high-profile cases in the country. This should be viewed as a welcome development, and here are some of the reasons why.

The first of these is the government’s optimistic and erroneous assumption earlier on that the local entrepreneurs have the expertise and capital, and thereby the ability, to satisfy demand. To the surprise of the government, it has now discovered that there is no talent that outsiders possess—including the Diaspora-- which the country cannot now use. In addition, and the second reason, it appears that the government has learned that sometimes it lacks knowledge rather than skills; at other times it lacks skills rather than knowledge to solve problems.

The practical consequence of this condition is that the resolutions for the many problems the government has faced have either been arbitrary or politically inspired and/or dogmatic. This in turn has denied it the ability as well as the flexibility to find irrefutable solutions to current problems. Therefore, overtime, the problems have become dilemmas to which practical solutions have not been considered or available. I am not suggesting that the problems are easy or simple to manage. What I am suggesting is that because the problems are so intractable, ideology and politics should never be allowed to exclude consideration and adoption of potential solutions.

In that sense, let me address the new elephant in the room, as an example. Regardless of what the government and its supporters have to say, in my opinion, the feature of a huge country like Ethiopia with multiple identities, and where people are divided along instrumentalized killil lines based on instrumentalized ethnicity and to the possible detrimental effects on the free and unencumbered movement of skilled labor, capital and entrepreneurial expertise, will always have an instrumentalized shortage of one thing or another.

Add to this the other old elephant in the room—the lack of meaningful, determined initiatives at population control where the norm today is for inflated families that cannot be fed adequately, the impact of geography on absolute poverty will be further accentuated rather than being minimized. If this persists, the current condition of ‘leading’ and ‘lagging’ regions or killils will be the norm—a situation that is contrary to the notion of equal development.

I am in agreement with the government’s conclusions that political stability along with macroeconomic stability is key to economic development. Yet, the concept of instrumentalized killils is contrary to the forces of globalization, which are irreversible. Instead of forging a new enlightened path to more integration where regions are subject to a common freedom of resource exploitation without exercising national sovereignty, the government had in effect decreed that certain things are not object of private rights, and others are insusceptible to being influenced by the natural forces of outside influences. In this sense, the practical effect of the killils is that Oromia, for example, has to rely on its own labor force for economic development, as do Amhara, Tigrai or any of the other killils. The observable result is, for example, not much else is being developed outside of Adama and Addis Ababa in Oromia where the federal government has not taken interest. Stretches of communities from Messela, Tullo, Burka, Deder, Kobo, Kersa, Bedeno, Gara Muleta, and many, many other communities are in some ways worse of today than they were decades ago.

By similar illustration, one can find examples of communities in the other killils through out the country where the regional governments have simply not been able to develop on their own. The inherently unsustainable doctrine of self-sufficiency originating with the creation of the instrumentalized killil system is partly to blame. Just as a country that can draw on the world’s population for its development is far better off than the one that is closed (think of the USA here), a region (killil) is better off when it can rely on the labor force, resources and skills of other regions (killils).

It is admirable that the government talks about national collective unity, and indeed, has made this one of its pillars of economic development and progress but in a perverse way. I assert here that the government can achieve national collective unity by other means as well. A good place to start would be to begin giving people good choices that are meaningful. Economic development, in part, is about giving people good choices.

A third reason for the perceived change of course, I believe, is the government’s realization that it can not continue to be the single largest employer of the labor force in the country. The generation of jobs and creative employment for the multitude of the young unemployed and underemployed requires the cooperation and contributions of the private sector. That the government seems to have recognized this should be of no surprise to anyone as it has created many higher education institutions each graduating many of the young people who in turn expect value for their education. The alternative would be an unwelcome disillusionment followed by cynicism and, in the worst case, chaos.

It is a forgone conclusion that the government will still be in power after the scheduled political ‘contest’ this month. By the end of its next term, the TPLF/FDRE government will have been in power for nearly thirty years—a rule that is one of the longest in the country’s history. This experience should have given it wisdom and knowledge along with confidence to trust and embrace not only just some Ethiopians but also all Ethiopians, and to allow for the correction of some of its missteps and errors. Others would write and speak about the political and social missteps, and could do so in more informed ways than I could. With regard to the economy, however, it is always worth remembering that a healthy respect for market-led resource allocation is essential for economic development. This is so because all economies are guided by macroeconomic goals, but function according to microeconomic rules and principles. To illustrate this point or cite an example, the government has done quite a bit to help farmers export food because of prevailing high prices overseas. The consequence of this is that not all of the poor are worse off: farmers (who happened to be poor for the most part) benefit, but the urban poor suffer. Helping farmers become more productive and sell overseas is good for their income, but does very little for food prices at home. The government collects whatever taxes it levies on exports, never mind the foreign exchange generated, but the poor still pay the higher domestic prices.

Few objective observers could seriously argue that the intractable problems Ethiopia faces today, including absolute poverty, underdevelopment, fleeing citizens and a degree of polarization, are due to lack of theories, facts or knowledge and skills or even thoughtlessness. Instead, it is partly due to the values and beliefs as well as the policies and stories the government allows to be played out. It is these beliefs, policies and stories that are going to serve us as our trust worthy landmarks come the next ‘election’. Once again, every generation holds the promise of a fresh start, and that begins with what we think. And what we think is that names shouldn’t count for much, and that a course correction is both desirable and necessary. It can even be a sign of confidence and maturity!

*Professor Teshome Abebe is a former Provost and Vice President, and may be reached at: teshome2008@gmail.com

LIFT UP YOUR HEADS ETHIOPIANS: YOU ARE THE GREATEST PEOPLE THAT EVER WALKED THE FACE OF THIS EARTH

By Tecola W Hagos

Introduction

The brutal murder of thirty Ethiopians in Libya and the savage attack and burning of Ethiopian Brothers in barbaric “Zululand” in South Africa in the last two weeks reminded me once again that we live among savages and subhuman creatures around the World. I cannot find appropriate words to use in identifying the savages that committed such heinous crimes against absolutely innocent and defenseless peaceful Ethiopians in Libya or in South Africa. These groups of individuals along with their leaders showed behavior no better than primitive wild animals. I cannot consider them as part of the human race of Homo Sapiens Sapiens in light of their criminal deeds. In either case they are a cowardly group of individuals that slaughtered innocent people, and their so called governments did nothing more than lip service to protect peaceful law abiding Ethiopians and other Africans from several countries. The South African Government has violated the Genocide Convention that is jus cogens may be even obligatio erga Omnes.

On Tuesday 28 April 2015, the South African Government has deployed military personnel to round up undocumented immigrants in areas where most of the crimes of murdering and looting of immigrants had taken place. The Government of South Africa is now getting ready to violate the human rights of African immigrants and is setting another purging to satisfy the demented desire of primitive criminals that do not even know who is stripping them of the wealth they aspire for. No matter how immigrants entered South Africa legally or illegally, they have their unalienable human rights and must not be abused, tortured, or murdered by anyone in South Africa. The South African Government and/or its Citizens are not above the Charter of the United Nations and numerous Conventions and Resolutions of the United Nations. The South African Government has signed and ratified such international instruments. It has the utmost duty and international obligation to protect every human being however his/her status might be within its territory from assaults, abuses, torture, and murders.

South Africa is a Member Party to the Genocide Convention by its act of accession of 1998. Ethiopia, of course, is the original signatory of 1948 and ratifying the Convention in 1949, thanks to the legacy of Emperor Haile Selassie I. The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide was adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948. It has now a membership of 146 Sovereign States. Many jurists and legal scholars believe the Genocide Convention has become part of the customary international law and norms and it needs not be limited in its reach only to the Membership of the Convention. A considerable number of legal experts including the ICJ in a noted case hold the Convention as jusc cogens may be also obligato erga omnes. [See Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 2007, p. 43. The existence of a jus cogens in genocide cases is also affirmed by the June 2013 decision of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in the Stichting Mothers of Srebrenica and Others v. The Netherlands case. In that case the dispositive issue was on the question of immunity of United Nations authorized peace keeping forces in cases of allegations of genocide for failing to prevent the massacre of Muslims in Srebrenica. In a dictum the court has asserted that the Genocide Convention is indeed a jus cogens principle in international law and norms.]

I have hereunder extracted relevant provisions from the Genocide Convention of 1948 and also relevant provisions on the human rights and human dignity of all persons in South Africa from the Constitution of South Africa as Amended. Take not the fact that King Goodwill Zwelithini is a criminal violator of both the Genocide Convention (Articles 2 and 3) and the Constitution of South Africa (Chapter 2: Bill of Rights in its entirety), so are several political leaders and individuals in the South African Government.

The Genocide Convention

Article 1
The Contracting Parties confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish.

Article 2

In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
• (a) Killing members of the group;
• (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
• (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
• (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
• (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Article 3

The following acts shall be punishable:
• (a) Genocide;
• (b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;
• (c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;
• (d) Attempt to commit genocide;
• (e) Complicity in genocide.

Article 4

Persons committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article 3 shall be punished, whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers, public officials or private individuals.

Article 5

The Contracting Parties undertake to enact, in accordance with their respective Constitutions, the necessary legislation to give effect to the provisions of the present Convention and, in particular, to provide effective penalties for persons guilty of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article 3.

Article 6

Persons charged with genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article 3 shall be tried by a competent tribunal of the State in the territory of which the act was committed, or by such international penal tribunal as may have jurisdiction with respect to those Contracting Parties which shall have accepted its jurisdiction.

Article 7

Genocide and the other acts enumerated in Article 3 shall not be considered as political crimes for the purpose of extradition.
The Contracting Parties pledge themselves in such cases to grant extradition in accordance with their laws and treaties in force.

Article 8

Any Contracting Party may call upon the competent organs of the United Nations to take such action under the Charter of the United Nations as they consider appropriate for the prevention and suppression of acts of genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article 3.

Article 9

Disputes between the Contracting Parties relating to the interpretation, application or fulfilment of the present Convention, including those relating to the responsibility of a State for genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Article 3, shall be submitted to the International Court of Justice at the request of any of the parties to the dispute.

The South African Constitution

Now consider the Constitution of South Africa as Amended in its aspect directly dealing with human rights issues and the responsibilities of the South African Government to protect the lives and well-being of people living in South Africa irrespective of their legal status as legal immigrants, illegal immigrants, or Citizens:
.
Preamble: We, the people of South Africa, Recognise the injustices of our past; Honour those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land; Respect those who have worked to build and develop our country; and Believe that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity. We therefore, through our freely elected representatives, adopt this Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic so as to - Heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights; Lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by law; Improve the quality of life of all citizens and free the potential of each person; and Build a united and democratic South Africa able to take its rightful place as a sovereign state in the family of nations. May God protect our people.
…
Chapter 2: Bill of Rights

7. Rights
(1) This Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.

(2) The state must respect, protect, promote and fulfil the rights in the Bill of Rights.

(3) The rights in the Bill of Rights are subject to the limitations contained or referred to in section 36, or elsewhere in the Bill.

8. Application

(1) The Bill of Rights applies to all law, and binds the legislature, the executive, the judiciary and all organs of state.

(2) A provision of the Bill of Rights binds a natural or a juristic person if, and to the extent that, it is applicable, taking into account the nature of the right and the nature of any duty imposed by the right.

(3) When applying a provision of the Bill of Rights to a natural or juristic person in terms of subsection (2), a court -

(a) in order to give effect to a right in the Bill, must apply, or if necessary develop, the common law to the extent that legislation does not give effect to that right; and

(b) may develop rules of the common law to limit the right, provided that the limitation is in accordance with section 36 (1).

(4) A juristic person is entitled to the rights in the Bill of Rights to the extent required by the nature of the rights and the nature of that juristic person.

9. Equality

(1) Everyone is equal before the law and has the right to equal protection and benefit of the law.

(2) Equality includes the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms. To promote the achievement of equality, legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair discrimination may be taken.

(3) The state may not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language and birth.

(4) No person may unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds in terms of subsection (3). National legislation must be enacted to prevent or prohibit unfair discrimination.

(5) Discrimination on one or more of the grounds listed in subsection (3) is unfair unless it is established that the discrimination is fair.

10. Human dignity

Everyone has inherent dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected.

11. Life
Everyone has the right to life.

12. Freedom and security of the person

(1) Everyone has the right to freedom and security of the person, which includes the right -

(a) not to be deprived of freedom arbitrarily or without just cause;

(b) not to be detained without trial;

(c) to be free from all forms of violence from either public or private sources;

(d) not to be tortured in any way; and

(e) not to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman or degrading way.

(2) Everyone has the right to bodily and psychological integrity, which includes the right -

(a) to make decisions concerning reproduction;

(b) to security in and control over their body; and

(c) not to be subjected to medical or scientific experiments without their informed consent.

The Zulu Factor: Afrophobia not Xenophobia

In a series of articles Zackie Achmat and several other prominent scholars have exposed the disruptive activities and collaboration of Zulu leaders with the White rulers of South Africa throughout the struggle against the Apartheid system of Government. “The late colonial and apartheid state in South Africa was always White dominated but supported ‘tribal’ leaders in the homelands or Bantustans and a minority of Coloured and Indian collaborators.” Achmat further named Gatsha Buthelezi, Kaizer Matanzima, Lennox Sebe, Cedric Mphephu, Alan Hendrickse, Armichand Rajbansi, Lucas Mangope and many others who collaborated with the apartheid state. Everyone of these chiefs were based in the old homelands: Lebowa (North Sotho, also referred to as Pedi), QwaQwa (South Sotho), Bophuthatswana (Tswana), KwaZulu (Zulu), KaNgwane (Swazi), Transkei and Ciskei (Xhosa), Gazankulu (Tsonga), Venda (Venda) and KwaNdebele (Ndebele). [See Zachie Achmat, “Was apartheid only white rule: Bantustans, collabor ators and traditional leaders,” July 24, 2010]

The brutal and savage attack of immigrants (from Ethiopia, Mozambique, Malawi, Somalia and other Southern Africa countries) was not Xenophopic but Afrophopic aimed at Black African immigrants. The main culprit of that heinous crimes are some subhuman Zulus upfront doing the gruesome deeds in the main, but the real criminals instigating the primitive Zulu thugs are the “Coloured” and Indian small business owners who are behind the scene. Those are the same groups who have a long history of collaboration with Boers, Afrikaners and the White rulers and in case of the Zulus had even attacked and murdered freedom fighters of the ANC. Achmat opined further, “Now is the time to re-examine the role of ‘traditional’ leaders and collaborators under apartheid. They did not go away, they entered the ANC to continue plundering the state as they plundered the Bantustans and the stooge Coloured and Indian Parliaments.”

The individual responsible for the latest atrocities, where two Ethiopian brothers were burned to death (among several other Black Africans who were murdered and tortured and their property was looted and their homes and businesses vandalized), is the Zulu leader, King Goodwill Zwelithini, who referred to immigrants as “lice” and “ticks” that must be removed. He said, “Let us pop our head lice. We must remove ticks and place them outside in the sun. We ask foreign nationals to pack their belongings and be sent back,” in a speech in Pongola in northern Kwa-Zulu Natal, on 20 March 2015. [See Reuters, 20 March 2015]. It is a fact that his father and Grand Father were all collaborators of the White rulers long before the Apartheid system was enforced in 1948. Zwelithini’s ancestoral family member were also responsible in the assassination of Shaka Zulu, the very founder of Zululand. However, after Zwelithini was installed king in 1968, he did support briefly revolt against the White rulers but later ended up against the international sanction against South Africa and become supporter of Inkatha and Buthelezi the famous anti-ANC politician, the black public face that wanted to continue the Apartheid system.

King Goodwill Zwelithini and His International Crime

People in power and those who have sway on groups of people must be careful with their words. I suggest all victims of atrocities and the Ethiopian Government and other governments of the victims’ home-countries should sue King Goodwill Zwelithini in courts in the United States and in courts of countries signatories who have ratified or acceded to the Genocide Convention for crime of genocide and crime against humanity. This criminal court proceeding can be also pursued in the International Criminal Court (ICC). South Africa ratified the Rome Treaty of the ICC in 2000, Ethiopia has not done that to this day. Nevertheless, one cannot ignore a rabid dog going around biting people of any status from any part of the World.

Civil suits should be brought against Zwelithini wherever his assets are to be found and it is very likely to recover in damages in millions of dollars for the murdered victims and those tortured by thugs and looters in the weeks after 13 April 2015 to date. Zwelithini’s later retraction after the fact is simply a face saving device, and also to portray himself free of criminal intent. Even then he had done a shoddy job, for he simply got himself sink deeper in his own filth of hate and bigotry calling for violence against groups he identified as “illegal” foreigners.

The South African Government seems to be reluctant in investigating and arresting the criminals that murdered innocent Ethiopians and other immigrants. The South African Government and the individual officials too can be sued in foreign courts. The Police in South Africa are a joke, they were/are more of collaborators than law enforcers deliberately not protecting defenseless victims. It is absolutely shameful to watch those subhuman creatures attacking and looting in total disregard of the minimum of standards of civilized behavior.

The Greatness of Ethiopians

My identification of Ethiopians as the “greatest” people that ever walked the face of the Earth is not simply a matter of hyperbole and empty rhetoric. In the aftermath of that horrendous crime committed against Ethiopians by IS in the name of Islam in Libya, there was not a single report of any retaliatory violence against Muslims in Ethiopia or by Diaspora Ethiopians in the rest of the World. In a country that one finds brutal and savage Government, how can we explain such civilized behavior by ordinary Ethiopians? To answer this question one must traverse long distances to far ancient times.

It is a fact that We gave birth to all of human civilizations by planting the seed of basic values and organized society when a handful of Us ventured out into the four corners of the World. Who do you think the Sumerians were, who are accredited for planting the seed of civilization for all of mankind? They are the people of highland Ethiopia from the Great Rift Valley mountain escarpments who trekked on foot across the Afar depression crossing over the land-bridge between Africa and Asia through Southern Arabian Peninsula and settled in the swampy delta of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers. They took with them their greatest discovery of all time the cultivation of wild highland grass cereal Barley, Oats, and Wheat seeds and domesticated cattle, sheep and goats, donkeys and the forerunners of horses into the well watered plains of Uruk, Lagash et cetera.

We Ethiopians are builders of civilizations and we spread our DNA of highly evolved Homo- sapiens and replenished the Earth. It is only in Ethiopia that you find the prototypes of every race of the World. We are not sedentary and fearful people. We are adventurous and of a highly dynamic stock. We are not afraid of the unknown, for we are superbly confident of our survival skill. When man ventures out into deep space and encounters the first intelligent life form, he/she will be surprised to find out that he/she was beaten to that frontier by no other than an Ethiopian. We are already spread all over the World planting the seeds of the new humanity to come through in a couple of thousand years. The World is ours, and we do not have to apologize for spreading all over the World. Wherever we go we bring to the area great spirituality, morality and organized life. Anywhere in the World if you find a few Ethiopians, you also find that they have a religious center usually a Church, a community center, a soccer team, a restaurant, a local store et cetera.

This phenomena of instant organization, constructive engagement, and the establishment of civil structure is our singular heritage from ancient times. Throughout our tumultuous history, we fought foreign invaders with one hand and built great churches, cathedrals, cities and palaces with the other hand. The great Cathedrals and Churches hewn from solid rocks were constructed at Roha (Lalibela) during a period of recovery and reconstruction of the Ethiopian Empire after a devastating dynastic upheaval that lasted over a century at the end of the first Millennium.

It is not some fairytale when a number of historians even non-Ethiopians at times grudgingly acknowledge that We are the people who had never been subjugated by any outside force in legend and throughout recorded human history. All of our history is that of a people who only know freedom without foreign yoke or masters. With each other we could be harsh even barbaric, but all that are infightings within a family.

Ethiopians, Lift Up Your Heads in Pride!

I have read several narratives and commentaries written by learned scholars and professionals such as Aklog Birara (PhD) [“ከጩኸት ወደ ተግባር። የሚነገድበት የስደት ማእበል ትውልድ ከየት መጣ? ለማቆም እንረባረብ።”], Alemayehu G Mariam (Prof) [“Ethiopia: cry once again, our beloved country”], et cetera. Whereby, those learned scholars focused on the problems leading to the migration of Ethiopians from the Motherland unprotected nor supported when in trouble by the current Ethiopian Government. They wrongly pilled all the problems of Ethiopians on the TPLF/EPRDF. Moreover, along with some of the video presentations of demonstrations and Memorials for those Ethiopians victims of IS in Libya and victims of street thugs in South Africa seem to present us being humiliated by being victimized or for being immigrants. I strongly object to such portrayal of us to be ashamed of being migrant workers, or victims of violence. There is nothing to be ashamed of being migrant workers if we seek our fortune and comfort anywhere in the World. If we migrate from Ethiopia into the rest of the World for any reason, that is nothing to be ashamed of. Who can say that part of the World that we choose to go to is not for us? If some subhuman creature attacks or torture us there is nothing to be ashamed of. But we must fight back.

The real issue is not why a number of young Ethiopians leave Ethiopia, but is our Government protecting us no matter why we leave Ethiopia? Or is the Ethiopian Government equally guilty for our suffering in the hands of subhuman creatures? If we put the question that way, the Ethiopian Government is even more guilty of the suffering of immigrant Ethiopians in Libya, South Africa, Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. For the Ethiopian Government has the Constitutional duty to protect the citizens of Ethiopia wherever they maybe. When the Saudis over a year ago were murdering and brutalizing Ethiopians, the Ethiopian Government should have declared war and gone to war too. Because the Ethiopia Government failed to stand against the Saudi Government and others when Ethiopian Citizens are abused and murdered by such governments and their citizens, the rest of the World took notice that it is OK to abuse and murder Ethiopians to the point that now some South Africans whom we helped in time of their distress suffering under the yoke of Apartheid by training fighters of the ANC including Mandela are murdering and torturing Ethiopians.

If a dog bites you, there is no reason to be ashamed of. If a donkey kicks you, there is nothing to be ashamed of that. By the same token if the IS or Arabs or Zulu thugs attack Ethiopians, shame on them not on Us. There is nothing shameful in migrating, traveling in different parts of the world. Under a different time frame, Ethiopians would not have traveled that far without their swords and spears. Time has defanged us, the Lions of Africa, and we have become victims of street thugs and hooded cowardly men who murder unarmed peaceful men. Ethiopian immigrants have committed no crimes that leads to being butchered. My fellow Ethiopians, now hold your heads high, and do not be victimized a second time by humiliating yourself believing you are pariah and have done something wrong. You have not done anything wrong. The World is ours to share.

Our pride in ourselves and our history is not empty but backed with historic triumphs of defeating well-armed Western Armies twice in 1896 and in 1941. No other African nation has done that. As to the Zulus of South Africa, no amount of pretention would erase their vainglorious past, for they were defeated by a handful of Boers and later by the British and subjugated for centuries confined to so called “homelands” and insignificant Kraals. They built nothing of permanence. They were just primitive herders or gatherers for most of their history even after their contact with Western civilization in the 16th Century. Even more shameful is their collaboration with the racist White rulers against ANC freedom fighters up to the last days of the Apartheid System in 1994.

The Ethiopian Government

The current Ethiopian Government has failed completely its own Constitutional duties and responsibilities to protect the human rights and human dignity of the Citizens of Ethiopia residing legally or illegally in several foreign countries, such as Libya, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Lebanon, Turkey and South Africa, in addition to those passing-through territories of countries, such as Kenya, Somalia, Djibouti, Malawi, Tanzania, Zambia et cetera. The Ethiopian Leaders failed miserably from taking appropriate action against Saudi Arabia when Ethiopians were murdered, tortured, and brutally treated by the barbaric Saudi Government and its subhuman citizens. That acquiescence in the face of horrendous brutality and murder committed against Ethiopians, paved the way to other nations to brutalize Ethiopians because they realized the Ethiopian Government will not bother to take care of its citizens. In more ways than one that form of lack of concern for citizens is the hallmark of the leadership of the TPLF from its inception to date.

The Ethiopian Government did not even protest to the United Nations about the brutalizing and murder of its citizens by Saudis. Did it do any better with the current Libyan savagery at the United Nations? Have they protested the continued abuse and murder of Ethiopians in South Africa? What do Ethiopian Diplomats do around the United Nations and the European Union and the African Union or elsewhere in the World? Absolutely nothing. They are busy trading in illegal tax free liquor and tax free goods. Ethiopia’s diplomatic mission is a big joke. They serve no one not even the Government they represent let alone the People of Ethiopia. Let me just illustrate my point, I have not heard any report that someone in the Foreign Ministry nor in the Prime Minister’s office suggesting to call a regional Conference of the States whose citizens have been brutalized and murdered in South Africa. That would have been the first act of seasoned diplomats. Ethiopian Diplomats are just a joke wherever you find them and the worst inapt diplomats you find at the United Nations, in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, South Africa, the United States et cetera.

I have written at considerable personal risk and threats suggesting that we should give some chance for the new Ethiopian leader Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and his new Administration, and a time to breath and a chance to fix the monumental problems left behind by the late Prime Minster Meles Zenawi. To my chagrin, Hailemariam Desalegn does not seem to have the type of leadership backbone in order to break away from the straightjacket-politics left behind by Meles. To a depth, I can understand the dilemma faced by Hailemariam Desalegn in a pit of vipers what can he do either play dead, or bare false fangs as the vipers around him. He must have forgotten one important thing he can do: if he is a decent man that he can always resign than be boxed in by the likes of Samora, Abaye, Kassu, and the omnipresent Ghost of Meles Zenwi.

I have patiently shouldered the insults and verbal abuses of some of the vocal Diaspora, for my focus is always on what would happen on the morning after overthrowing the current Ethiopian Government. I cannot in good conscience gamble with the lives of millions of Ethiopians by jumping into a dark pit without knowing what awaits us all in the morning after. I have read all kinds of allegations that I am somehow in cahoots with the current Ethiopian Government and/or the TPLF/EPRDF. If truth be easily swallowed, the fact is that the people in leadership position now in Ethiopia hate and wish ill to no one as much as they do to me. The groups that conspired to get me out of the EPRDF/TPLF in 1992 are now in full control without the restraining power of Meles Zenaw. Meles Zenawi was a far more capable politician than those now left behind, who are surviving on his legacy. Meles knew well how to play pitting groups and balancing their influences. In fact, he did not want me to resign and leave the country in 1993.

There is no doubt in my mind that Meles has done some serious harm to the interest of Ethiopia: land locking it, devaluing its currency, selling out its territory to Sudan, forcing local population off their ancestral land and leasing their land to foreigners, degrading the humanity of Ethiopians by killing and incarcerating thousands of Ethiopians during the seventeen years of struggle and during the period of the last twenty years of power and national leadership. In the long run his fate as his legacy will be as dismal as that of Oliver Cromwell. I have articulated the main debacles that Meles left us with. If I were in a position of power, I would deactivate all those political land-mines he left behind. There is no love lost between us. The only item I consider positive in all of his activities is the construction of the GERD, but even that is with reservations, for there are several items about the GERD I would like to know more about. Moreover, it is really pointless to dwell on Meles Zenawi, let him rest wherever, for we have far more pressing needs to solve our complex problems than just lament our lost time and our lost opportunities.

Conclusion

This is a difficult time for us Ethiopians. This is how great people are tested. No one cares what happens in scores of countries around the World let alone hunt their citizens for particularly brutal murder and violence. Such barbaric acts are aimed to great Western nations too. In Ethiopia, we have a great country and people that become targets for cowardly thugs and terrorists. My personal thoughts about such savages and subhuman individuals is not flattering at all. The only terms I find appropriate to describe them and identify them with are Borealopithecus Arabsis for the northern hominid Arabs who brutalized and murdered Ethiopians in Libya (recently) and in Saudi Arabia for years, and Australopithecus Zulusis for the southern hominids Zulus for those who committed the barbaric murders and tortures recently and in 2008 in South Africa.

Although I am digressing from the theme of this essay, nevertheless, I want it to be clearly understood that I am forward looking, I use history and past events as a learning tool to hone up my future plans. Past events must not put us in a box and disable us from being creative and innovative in our dealing with our future. I read also, less now than before, some ignorant narrow minded individuals from some insignificant village from the back woods of Ethiopia trying to define my Ethiopiawnet. I care even for such individuals, for in the final analysis they are part of my Ethiopia the way I know it from its ancient birth to its present precarious existence held between destructive Arabs, South African Zulus, overambitious local politicians in Ethiopia, some Diaspora frustrated immigrants et cetera—a shining example of survival in the face of a deluge threatening our very existence. It is in this understanding of our Ethiopian reality that I am reluctant to dismiss or ignore the huge elephant in the room—the current Ethiopian Government dominated by TPLF.

How does it help if I write declaring the Current Ethiopian Government is dead? The Elephant will still be there the morning after, may be even in a more destructive mood. I do not want to have a power vacuum in Ethiopia. One cannot just use only force to get viable change of governance in Ethiopia. This has nothing to do with my liking or being loyal to the current Leaders in Ethiopia. We need them not because I like them, but because they serve a useful purpose despite the fact of their corruptions, whereby their wives, children, family members, business partners including foreigners, and generals amassing fortune and assets worth millions of dollars. The brutality and violations of human rights by the current Ethiopian Government is no secret. We have to build first some critical mass. Our bickering and amateurish politicking did not take us far to get rid of this deeply entrenched Federalism of ethnicity, if left unattended and reversed will prove to be our undoing. We need to work with existing sources of power. It is not even a question of “must” but of “need,” and you can easily observe the distinction I am making here.

Long live Ethiopia. Lift Up Your Heads Great Ethiopians. .

Tecola W. Hagos

Yilma Bekele and all Ethioipan shebea's agents stop kissing up with shebea

By Yilma Bekele

This issue of Eritrea has been with us for more than I can remember. In fact it is fair to say like most of you I have lived all my life being affected by the problem with our relatives to the North. Considering the life expectancy in our ancient land it would not be farfetched to conclude for the vast majority of our people the Eritrean question has been like an albatross hanging our neck stopping us from thinking in a straight and rational manner.

I am not a historian by training thus I would not attempt to explain what exactly happened a thousand years back not even as recent as a hundred year ago. Today I felt we should strive to be equipped with some knowledge however rudimentary so we could have a little appreciation of a problem that has vexed our people and country for quite a while. My attempt is not to go on some intellectual fishing expedition but rather to put the current issue in perspective for us ordinary people to come to grips with.

I beg my esteemed reader’s forgiveness if I have broached a subject which most of us seem to be expert in and have no qualms throwing opinions left and right no matter the merit. Mine might be considered as one but I felt I have to say it and let you be the judge. I will by no means consider it the last word on the subject. I normally try to present my case in two pages or less. I am afraid this time that task became impossible due to the very importance of the subject matter. I have done all I could to edit a very long article to what it is now. I again ask for your patience and implore you to read it all with care. I worked very hard at it.

Anyway I wanted to present another aspect of the issue due to the successive articles being presented by my good friend the editor of Ethiopian Review News and Information Web site impacting our current relationship with Eritrea. My intention is not to prove or disprove my colleague’s argument but rather to give a different perspective on the subject.

Going back to my point, I apologize it took long but one has to create a starting point to tell a story and that is what I was trying to do. I have chosen 1951- the aftermath of World War II as day one of my analysis (the Europeans are the ones that fought most but what the heck they include all of us as usual). The British defeated the Italians in 1942 and Eritrea was placed under their military administration until 1951. In 1952 the UN voted for Eritrea to be federated with Ethiopia. In 1962 Emperor Haile Selassie dissolved the Eritrean Parliament making it a province of Ethiopia.

The Eritreans did not appreciate being another province under Imperial rule thus organized under the ELF (Eritrean Liberation Front) and started their long struggle for self-determination. The ELF gave way to EPLF with the Isaias Afwerki as the new leader in the 1970’s and the Liberation movement entered a new phase. The fall of the Derg in 1991 was the culmination of almost forty years of war and destruction. Eritrea became an independent nation on May 24 1993.

There is no question that the referendum that was carried out in April of 1993 that led to the declaration of independence was a hastily arranged divorce that contained lots of ambiguities, left many questions an answered and ignored plenty of vital issues that have come to haunt both nations years after the resolution of the issue. This was definitely a perfect example of ‘haste makes waste’ syndrome. (ሲሮጡ የታጠቁት ሲሮጡ ይፈታል) Here we are twenty years later and it is clear that we Ethiopians have not been able to reconcile our objections and accept the new situation staring us in our face. The love hate relationship with our cousins is something that is eating us from the inside and a cause of many heated arguments including fist fights that clouds our thinking and creates a stressful situations between family, friends and acquaintances.

It is not unreasonable to expect twenty years to be enough time to come to terms with a situation that for all practical reason could not be reversed. The fact of the matter is that there is a country called Eritrea with an internationally recognized borders and a membership in all International institutions as an independent Nation State. That fact cannot be changed without the consent of the people Eritrea or some out of the world calamity that no one wishes nor likely to happen at all.

The problem most definitely lies with us Ethiopians that are refusing to let go, accept reality and move on. There are many reasons for our dilemma but having an excuse is not considered a valid point for our sometimes irrational and overboard behavior. The main cause of this unfortunate situation that is causing untold problems is the TPLF regime that holds absolute power in Ethiopia and is so adept at knowing where to poke our inner feeling to stoke fear and hate.

Although the EPLF was the primary organizer, cultivator, trainer and all around baby sitter of the TPLF (ሕዝባዊ ወያኔ ሓርነት ትግራይ) the love affair came to an end not long after the TPLF was able to get its feet firmly planted in Addis Abeba. True to their nature the Woyane’s showed no qualms betraying their close friend and sponsor. Like any dictatorial regimes that survives by creating division and dissent they found Eritrea a convenient target to use as an enemy that is poised to destabilize and dead set in trying to control Ethiopia. Like their predecessors the Imperial regime and the Derg it was not hard to for Woyane to fan the flames of war and destruction that is always poised to strike from the north.

Eritrea is a country with six million people limited resources and is one of the youngest nations in the process of rebuilding its economy after years of war. Ethiopia is a country with ninety million people with plenty of resources but due to the succession of autocratic and military regime has failed to use its God given potential to escape recurring famine and poverty. Thus it was the most absurd moment in history when the two nations went back to war between May of 1998 to June of 2000 using modern airplanes and tanks. The conflict caused the death of over seventy thousand lives and millions of dollars – a resources both poor nations are ill equipped to handle.

Today there are thousands of soldiers on both sides of the boarder waiting for an excuse to start the conflict over again. The Woyane regime in Ethiopia spends millions of dollars to maintain one of the largest armed forces in Africa, uses scarce foreign exchange to purchase military hardware from East Europe and large sums of money on propaganda to keep the level of anxiety high, use it as a wedge issue to divide the population and is constantly beating the drums of war to create fear and uncertainty.

We Ethiopians welcomed Woyane into our capital without a single shot being fired in anger. The Derg was despised by all sector of society and its downfall was celebrated and a cause for hope and a new beginning. Except for a few remnants of Derg and its Party members no one mourned the demise of Megistu and his comrades. Unbeknown to us and most unfortunate for our nation the new liberators did not come equipped with open heart, hope for the future and love for anything Ethiopia. We should have known at the outset that things do not bode well for our people and country when the midget warlord first words of wisdom was to trample our flag and question our unity. We are harvesting this evil and petty mentality for the last twenty one years and the death of the evil kingpin does not seem to have made any difference.

Where we stand today is what this paper is all about and not to hash ancient history, shift blame and find a scapegoat for our failure to build a just and democratic Ethiopia. By all indications it has become clear the Woyane warlords in power are not interested in peace, harmony and respect for fellow citizens to be involved in the rebuilding of our country.

Independent parties are demonized to no end and abused to the extent that being elected a leader of the opposition is the most dangerous job in our country. The media is controlled by the party and there is not even the semblance of a fine line between the State and the TPLF party. The Woyane group has made it clear on many occasions and dared the opposition to pick up arms if they really want to share power. Anybody that is advocating a peaceful means to get rid of Woyane is only either burying their head in the sand or completely overtaken by delusion and wishful thinking.

We are forced to fight to be free and regain a sense of dignity to be able build a peaceful and harmonious society where our children could live in peace, our people can taste liberty and our mountains and streams can be utilized to sustain our growing population. No one chooses war over peace but there comes a time when one has to stand up stiffen the spine and do what is necessary to protect life and liberty. We have produced many groups that have resolved to do just that.

Like everything in life the only way to prove ones theory is to put it to practice. There is no guarantee success will be achieved fast, harmony will reign at a drop of a hat and the road will be easy. Experience have shown it to be a tortuous journey with plenty of pitfalls. Our country has sacrificed many sons and daughters that have stood for what they believe and given their life to bring freedom and dignity to all of the children of Ethiopia. Every one of us have lost a loved one, a close friend a relative or a neighbor in one of the many patriotic organizations such as EPRP, OLF, TPDM, ONLF, ALF, Kinijit, Andenet, Semayawi and plenty other beautiful freedom loving groupings that dared to stand up on our behalf.

Today the geopolitical situation in our neighborhood has become very complicated for one easy answer. The rise of Islamic militarism, the breakdown of Somalia the international isolation of Sudan, the demonizing of Eritrea by the West have created a very difficult and a challenging state of affairs to traverse for our political leaders. Compared to the situation we are in today fighting the Imperial regime and the Derg can be considered a walk in the park. There were many places to catch ones breath and regroup to fight another day.

Where do we Ethiopians prepare, get the training and organize to confront the ethnic thugs lording it over us is a very important and vital question. Fortunate for us there is Eritrea that due to circumstances we have come to forge a common ground. Today fate and our God have forced us to help each other overcome adversity. One can say we are very lucky. The job has to be done with or without Eritrea but the cooperation with our cousins has the benefit of reducing our sacrifice and hasten the day of our liberation.

This is exactly the reason we find all Ethiopian liberation fronts and opposition groups welcomed in Eritrea. To be sure the Eritrean government have its own interest in mind for helping us get rid of Woyane warlords. As they say all nations act out of selfish interest. There is no such animal called selfless act. The Eritreans have their own axe to grind when it comes to their old Woyane friends. We Ethiopians have our own interest in mind when we impose on our family from the north to accommodate us while working for our freedom. Both of us have come to realize that we have a confluence of interest at this particular point in time. It is no different than the US working with its arch enemy Iran to destroy and degrade what is called the ISIS threat. Conflict creates strange bed fellows and that is the nature of geo politics.

What we have at the moment is various Ethiopian organizations using setting up offices and training centers in Eritrea to confront degrade and destroy the cancerous growth called Woyane. It is not a simple task by any stretch of the imagination. TPLF controls a country with unlimited resources that can be used to preserve the power of a few at the expense of the many. We are fighting an enemy that is using our own people and financed by our own money. Furthermore due to narrow interest and mistaken policy the rich west and China have aligned themselves with our enemy making our task a little bit more difficult.

More difficult does not mean impossible. We just have to work harder and smarter. We have to show Woyane that we are capable of defending ourselves, prove to their enablers that their long term is better served allying with us and convince our people the future will be darker and more bleak if Woyane is allowed to stay around one more day than necessary. It is a tall order but no one said achieving independence and determining ones future is an easy matter. We witnessed the sacrifice paid by the Eritreans to reach the goal of standing tall on ones two feet. Yes we do not have to go far to site an example.

To quote President Kennedy we Ethiopians ‘..shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty.’ That is what our combatants are doing from the deserts of Eritrea. They are paying the price so our children will live in peace. We honor, celebrate and are proud of those that have decided to pay the ultimate price in the quest for liberty. We are most grateful to the government and people of Eritrea that have under difficult circumstances opened their doors and wallets so we can do the job that could only be done by us the stake holders. We have a debt to pay if not today but hopefully by our children tomorrow whose life would be made easier due to the good will of our family from the north.

I am sure some of you would think that I have gone overboard with my praise of Eritrea. A few would object that I have not raised the issue of Democracy and good governance in Eritrea. I plead guilty on both points. I really believe both objections are not valid at all. When someone invites you to their home and share the limited resource of the family to finish the job you set up to do I do not think it is good manners not to thank your host and show appreciation. As for the second issue I felt it should be left to the Eritreans to work on whatever problem they currently have. For a tenacious people that sacrificed so much in pursuit of Independence and self- determination I believe they are up to the job of righting what they believe wrong.

My hands are currently full dealing with a varmint that is sucking my blood and causing me untold misery and pain. I have no inclination not do I have the moral authority to rant about other people’s business. I do not stress about Sudan, I never stay up nights thinking about Somalia nor do I make Kenya a Starbucks discussion why as an Ethiopian I would want to editorialize regarding the Eritrean condition is not clear at all.

Finally I would not attempt to try answer the questions raised by Ethiopian Review. It would not solve the problem we are having and unfortunately there is not an alternative being offered to offset what is alleged to be Eritrea’s attempt to muzzle the Fronts operating from their country. I find the charges leveled to be without merit and go against all logic. I would consider it to be self-destructive policy for the Eritrean Government that has not shown any love to the Woyane regime. Why they would kill, torture and abuse the forces that are attempting to overthrow their common enemy does not seem to make sense for a rational thinking mind. Why would they allow them to set camp in their country and turn around weaken them is not a logical argument nor a sound and reasonable proposition.

In my humble opinion ER failed to make a solid case and relied on half-truth, innuendos and second hand stories that seem to serve the speakers interest rather than the group. The so called ‘audio’ presentations being doled out in small clips are nothing but a marketing ploy to increase google ads. It is a sad day for professional Journalism when even if true the musings of disgruntled individuals is taken as factual truth and presented as news. Hate and negativity has some times the effect being the cause of what is called the inability not to see the forest for the trees. That is what is afflicting the ER editors.

There is one more issue I would like to raise in tandem with this question we are trying to come to terms with. It is an important lesson that we should be familiar with since we now have a negative experience we went thru to learn from. The issue is self-determination and the most appropriate way to handle such an important concept. The late Woyane warlord has left us with a time bomb ticking.

In order to govern for a short time and amass money using criminal means TPLF have used what is called Nations and Nationalities concept to divide and conquer. For twenty years TPLF has managed to distort, [deleted] and define it to suit their nihilistic purpose. Today how we deal with this burning issue is a very important matter and have to be careful not to drop the ball like the last time around and leave our children with another vexing problem.

May I suggest we closely study the manner the issue was discussed and the civilized way the opposing sides presented their case in the recent referendum carried out in Scotland. I urge you my friends to see how no one was demonized, old history dug from the grave and used to attack the integrity of one’s opponent. We owe our people that much. I am also aware the issue I have raised would invite Woyane supporters and their minority but loud puppies to cry foul, call me names and try to confuse the issue. Settle down and present your argument in a rational manner, we are capable of listing to both sides and making up our mind with the interest of all of Ethiopia in our heart. I say to all cadres -Amor Vincit Omnia-Love Conquers All!

You Can't Understand ISIS If You Don't Know the History of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia

By Alastair Crooke, The World Post
August 28, 2014

BEIRUT -- The dramatic arrival of Da'ish (ISIS) on the stage of Iraq has shocked many in the West. Many have been perplexed -- and horrified -- by its violence and its evident magnetism for Sunni youth. But more than this, they find Saudi Arabia's ambivalence in the face of this manifestation both troubling and inexplicable, wondering, "Don't the Saudis understand that ISIS threatens them, too?"

It appears -- even now -- that Saudi Arabia's ruling elite is divided. Some applaud that ISIS is fighting Iranian Shiite "fire" with Sunni "fire"; that a new Sunni state is taking shape at the very heart of what they regard as a historical Sunni patrimony; and they are drawn by Da'ish's strict Salafist ideology.

Other Saudis are more fearful, and recall the history of the revolt against Abd-al Aziz by the Wahhabist Ikhwan (Disclaimer: this Ikhwan has nothing to do with the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan -- please note, all further references hereafter are to the Wahhabist Ikhwan, and not to the Muslim Brotherhood Ikhwan), but which nearly imploded Wahhabism and the al-Saud in the late 1920s.

Many Saudis are deeply disturbed by the radical doctrines of Da'ish (ISIS) -- and are beginning to question some aspects of Saudi Arabia's direction and discourse.

THE SAUDI DUALITY

Saudi Arabia's internal discord and tensions over ISIS can only be understood by grasping the inherent (and persisting) duality that lies at the core of the Kingdom's doctrinal makeup and its historical origins.

One dominant strand to the Saudi identity pertains directly to Muhammad ibn ?Abd al-Wahhab (the founder of Wahhabism), and the use to which his radical, exclusionist puritanism was put by Ibn Saud. (The latter was then no more than a minor leader -- amongst many -- of continually sparring and raiding Bedouin tribes in the baking and desperately poor deserts of the Nejd.)

The second strand to this perplexing duality, relates precisely to King Abd-al Aziz's subsequent shift towards statehood in the 1920s: his curbing of Ikhwani violence (in order to have diplomatic standing as a nation-state with Britain and America); his institutionalization of the original Wahhabist impulse -- and the subsequent seizing of the opportunely surging petrodollar spigot in the 1970s, to channel the volatile Ikhwani current away from home towards export -- by diffusing a cultural revolution, rather than violent revolution throughout the Muslim world.

But this "cultural revolution" was no docile reformism. It was a revolution based on Abd al-Wahhab's Jacobin-like hatred for the putrescence and deviationism that he perceived all about him -- hence his call to purge Islam of all its heresies and idolatries.

MUSLIM IMPOSTORS

The American author and journalist, Steven Coll, has written how this austere and censorious disciple of the 14th century scholar Ibn Taymiyyah, Abd al-Wahhab, despised "the decorous, arty, tobacco smoking, hashish imbibing, drum pounding Egyptian and Ottoman nobility who travelled across Arabia to pray at Mecca."

In Abd al-Wahhab's view, these were not Muslims; they were imposters masquerading as Muslims. Nor, indeed, did he find the behavior of local Bedouin Arabs much better. They aggravated Abd al-Wahhab by their honoring of saints, by their erecting of tombstones, and their "superstition" (e.g. revering graves or places that were deemed particularly imbued with the divine).

All this behavior, Abd al-Wahhab denounced as bida -- forbidden by God.

Like Taymiyyah before him, Abd al-Wahhab believed that the period of the Prophet Muhammad's stay in Medina was the ideal of Muslim society (the "best of times"), to which all Muslims should aspire to emulate (this, essentially, is Salafism).

Taymiyyah had declared war on Shi'ism, Sufism and Greek philosophy. He spoke out, too against visiting the grave of the prophet and the celebration of his birthday, declaring that all such behavior represented mere imitation of the Christian worship of Jesus as God (i.e. idolatry). Abd al-Wahhab assimilated all this earlier teaching, stating that "any doubt or hesitation" on the part of a believer in respect to his or her acknowledging this particular interpretation of Islam should "deprive a man of immunity of his property and his life."

One of the main tenets of Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine has become the key idea of takfir. Under the takfiri doctrine, Abd al-Wahhab and his followers could deem fellow Muslims infidels should they engage in activities that in any way could be said to encroach on the sovereignty of the absolute Authority (that is, the King). Abd al-Wahhab denounced all Muslims who honored the dead, saints, or angels. He held that such sentiments detracted from the complete subservience one must feel towards God, and only God. Wahhabi Islam thus bans any prayer to saints and dead loved ones, pilgrimages to tombs and special mosques, religious festivals celebrating saints, the honoring of the Muslim Prophet Muhammad's birthday, and even prohibits the use of gravestones when burying the dead.

"Those who would not conform to this view should be killed, their wives and daughters violated, and their possessions confiscated, he wrote. "

Abd al-Wahhab demanded conformity -- a conformity that was to be demonstrated in physical and tangible ways. He argued that all Muslims must individually pledge their allegiance to a single Muslim leader (a Caliph, if there were one). Those who would not conform to this view should be killed , their wives and daughters violated, and their possessions confiscated, he wrote. The list of apostates meriting death included the Shiite, Sufis and other Muslim denominations, whom Abd al-Wahhab did not consider to be Muslim at all.

There is nothing here that separates Wahhabism from ISIS. The rift would emerge only later: from the subsequent institutionalization of Muhammad ibn ?Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine of "One Ruler, One Authority, One Mosque" -- these three pillars being taken respectively to refer to the Saudi king, the absolute authority of official Wahhabism, and its control of "the word" (i.e. the mosque).

It is this rift -- the ISIS denial of these three pillars on which the whole of Sunni authority presently rests -- makes ISIS, which in all other respects conforms to Wahhabism, a deep threat to Saudi Arabia.

BRIEF HISTORY 1741- 1818

Abd al-Wahhab's advocacy of these ultra radical views inevitably led to his expulsion from his own town -- and in 1741, after some wanderings, he found refuge under the protection of Ibn Saud and his tribe. What Ibn Saud perceived in Abd al-Wahhab's novel teaching was the means to overturn Arab tradition and convention. It was a path to seizing power.

"Their strategy -- like that of ISIS today -- was to bring the peoples whom they conquered into submission. They aimed to instill fear. "

Ibn Saud's clan, seizing on Abd al-Wahhab's doctrine, now could do what they always did, which was raiding neighboring villages and robbing them of their possessions. Only now they were doing it not within the ambit of Arab tradition, but rather under the banner of jihad. Ibn Saud and Abd al-Wahhab also reintroduced the idea of martyrdom in the name of jihad, as it granted those martyred immediate entry into paradise.

In the beginning, they conquered a few local communities and imposed their rule over them. (The conquered inhabitants were given a limited choice: conversion to Wahhabism or death.) By 1790, the Alliance controlled most of the Arabian Peninsula and repeatedly raided Medina, Syria and Iraq.

Their strategy -- like that of ISIS today -- was to bring the peoples whom they conquered into submission. They aimed to instill fear. In 1801, the Allies attacked the Holy City of Karbala in Iraq. They massacred thousands of Shiites, including women and children. Many Shiite shrines were destroyed, including the shrine of Imam Hussein, the murdered grandson of Prophet Muhammad.

A British official, Lieutenant Francis Warden, observing the situation at the time, wrote: "They pillaged the whole of it [Karbala], and plundered the Tomb of Hussein... slaying in the course of the day, with circumstances of peculiar cruelty, above five thousand of the inhabitants ..."

Osman Ibn Bishr Najdi, the historian of the first Saudi state, wrote that Ibn Saud committed a massacre in Karbala in 1801. He proudly documented that massacre saying, "we took Karbala and slaughtered and took its people (as slaves), then praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds, and we do not apologize for that and say: 'And to the unbelievers: the same treatment.'"

In 1803, Abdul Aziz then entered the Holy City of Mecca, which surrendered under the impact of terror and panic (the same fate was to befall Medina, too). Abd al-Wahhab's followers demolished historical monuments and all the tombs and shrines in their midst. By the end, they had destroyed centuries of Islamic architecture near the Grand Mosque.

But in November of 1803, a Shiite assassin killed King Abdul Aziz (taking revenge for the massacre at Karbala). His son, Saud bin Abd al Aziz, succeeded him and continued the conquest of Arabia. Ottoman rulers, however, could no longer just sit back and watch as their empire was devoured piece by piece. In 1812, the Ottoman army, composed of Egyptians, pushed the Alliance out from Medina, Jeddah and Mecca. In 1814, Saud bin Abd al Aziz died of fever. His unfortunate son Abdullah bin Saud, however, was taken by the Ottomans to Istanbul, where he was gruesomely executed (a visitor to Istanbul reported seeing him having been humiliated in the streets of Istanbul for three days, then hanged and beheaded, his severed head fired from a canon, and his heart cut out and impaled on his body).

In 1815, Wahhabi forces were crushed by the Egyptians (acting on the Ottoman's behalf) in a decisive battle. In 1818, the Ottomans captured and destroyed the Wahhabi capital of Dariyah. The first Saudi state was no more. The few remaining Wahhabis withdrew into the desert to regroup, and there they remained, quiescent for most of the 19th century.

HISTORY RETURNS WITH ISIS

It is not hard to understand how the founding of the Islamic State by ISIS in contemporary Iraq might resonate amongst those who recall this history. Indeed, the ethos of 18th century Wahhabism did not just wither in Nejd, but it roared back into life when the Ottoman Empire collapsed amongst the chaos of World War I.

The Al Saud -- in this 20th century renaissance -- were led by the laconic and politically astute Abd-al Aziz, who, on uniting the fractious Bedouin tribes, launched the Saudi "Ikhwan" in the spirit of Abd-al Wahhab's and Ibn Saud's earlier fighting proselytisers.

The Ikhwan was a reincarnation of the early, fierce, semi-independent vanguard movement of committed armed Wahhabist "moralists" who almost had succeeded in seizing Arabia by the early 1800s. In the same manner as earlier, the Ikhwan again succeeded in capturing Mecca, Medina and Jeddah between 1914 and 1926. Abd-al Aziz, however, began to feel his wider interests to be threatened by the revolutionary "Jacobinism" exhibited by the Ikhwan. The Ikhwan revolted -- leading to a civil war that lasted until the 1930s, when the King had them put down: he machine-gunned them.

For this king, (Abd-al Aziz), the simple verities of previous decades were eroding. Oil was being discovered in the peninsular. Britain and America were courting Abd-al Aziz, but still were inclined to support Sharif Husain as the only legitimate ruler of Arabia. The Saudis needed to develop a more sophisticated diplomatic posture.

So Wahhabism was forcefully changed from a movement of revolutionary jihad and theological takfiri purification, to a movement of conservative social, political, theological, and religious da'wa (Islamic call) and to justifying the institution that upholds loyalty to the royal Saudi family and the King's absolute power.

OIL WEALTH SPREAD WAHHABISM

With the advent of the oil bonanza -- as the French scholar, Giles Kepel writes, Saudi goals were to "reach out and spread Wahhabism across the Muslim world ... to "Wahhabise" Islam, thereby reducing the "multitude of voices within the religion" to a "single creed" -- a movement which would transcend national divisions. Billions of dollars were -- and continue to be -- invested in this manifestation of soft power.

It was this heady mix of billion dollar soft power projection -- and the Saudi willingness to manage Sunni Islam both to further America's interests, as it concomitantly embedded Wahhabism educationally, socially and culturally throughout the lands of Islam -- that brought into being a western policy dependency on Saudi Arabia, a dependency that has endured since Abd-al Aziz's meeting with Roosevelt on a U.S. warship (returning the president from the Yalta Conference) until today.

Westerners looked at the Kingdom and their gaze was taken by the wealth; by the apparent modernization; by the professed leadership of the Islamic world. They chose to presume that the Kingdom was bending to the imperatives of modern life -- and that the management of Sunni Islam would bend the Kingdom, too, to modern life.

"On the one hand, ISIS is deeply Wahhabist. On the other hand, it is ultra radical in a different way. It could be seen essentially as a corrective movement to contemporary Wahhabism."

But the Saudi Ikhwan approach to Islam did not die in the 1930s. It retreated, but it maintained its hold over parts of the system -- hence the duality that we observe today in the Saudi attitude towards ISIS.

On the one hand, ISIS is deeply Wahhabist. On the other hand, it is ultra radical in a different way. It could be seen essentially as a corrective movement to contemporary Wahhabism.

ISIS is a "post-Medina" movement: it looks to the actions of the first two Caliphs, rather than the Prophet Muhammad himself, as a source of emulation, and it forcefully denies the Saudis' claim of authority to rule.

As the Saudi monarchy blossomed in the oil age into an ever more inflated institution, the appeal of the Ikhwan message gained ground (despite King Faisal's modernization campaign). The "Ikhwan approach" enjoyed -- and still enjoys -- the support of many prominent men and women and sheikhs. In a sense, Osama bin Laden was precisely the representative of a late flowering of this Ikhwani approach.

Today, ISIS' undermining of the legitimacy of the King's legitimacy is not seen to be problematic, but rather a return to the true origins of the Saudi-Wahhab project.

In the collaborative management of the region by the Saudis and the West in pursuit of the many western projects (countering socialism, Ba'athism, Nasserism, Soviet and Iranian influence), western politicians have highlighted their chosen reading of Saudi Arabia (wealth, modernization and influence), but they chose to ignore the Wahhabist impulse.

After all, the more radical Islamist movements were perceived by Western intelligence services as being more effective in toppling the USSR in Afghanistan -- and in combatting out-of-favor Middle Eastern leaders and states.

Why should we be surprised then, that from Prince Bandar's Saudi-Western mandate to manage the insurgency in Syria against President Assad should have emerged a neo-Ikhwan type of violent, fear-inducing vanguard movement: ISIS? And why should we be surprised -- knowing a little about Wahhabism -- that "moderate" insurgents in Syria would become rarer than a mythical unicorn? Why should we have imagined that radical Wahhabism would create moderates? Or why could we imagine that a doctrine of "One leader, One authority, One mosque: submit to it, or be killed" could ever ultimately lead to moderation or tolerance?

Or, perhaps, we never imagined.

--
The writer, Alastair Crooke, is a former MI-6 agent, and author of 'Resistance: The Essence of Islamic Revolution'

Let God save Ethiopia from toothless oppositions and from arrogance of TPLF

Opinion By YOHANNES Y

By YOHANNES Y

Recently, the Gibot 7 secretary, Andargachew Tsigge, was captured by TPLF regime. I was shocked that the TPLF were capable to go out and captured their opponent in a foreign country and no forces were seemingly able to stop them. TPLF attempts to send a clear signal to the Ethiopian oppositions: it is a matter of time, wherever you are, we will get you.

But the question is what does the Ethiopian government have to offer the western and other countries to silence them on this massive human right abuse?

The Ethiopian opposition and particularly Ginbot 7 seemed irrelevant in Ethiopia. All they do was vibrate their tongue from a distance without any proof of their existence in Ethiopia; even in the western countries, they cannot organize gravely divided Ethiopian societies, let alone fight in Ethiopia.

So the Ethiopian oppositions seem to have overestimated their own capabilities and their ability to execute a massive opposition movement in Ethiopia; because the Ethiopian opposition is so weak and failed to organized Ethiopian in and out of the country plus the Ethiopian government controlled the country by force, Ethiopian oppositions could not find even a small opening to start a movement. plus the TPLF government mercilessly killing Ethiopians for demanding for their basic human rights.

The Eritrean factor

The Eritrean people are suffering more than words can describe. The ruthless dictator and his military officers are killing Eritreans like flies and the Eritreans are forced into unimaginable enforced labor conditions, unthinkable crime in the 21th century. The Eritreans are fleeing persecution with mass exodus facing imprisonment, torture, beating and sexual assault, not only in their own country, but where ever they flee into, Egypt and Libya as examples.

Recently we heard on the news that the Eritrean government has become so isolated and desperate that it has tried to sell its precious gold resources to Russia – at any price. Sanctions have hurt the financial position of this government so much that the only way they could try to get support was secretly, and unannounced. They sent government representatives to Moscow to offer the Russian government the rich gold and base metal deposits in Eritrea.

So this is the kind of government oppositions are depending on above all the government of Eritrea is not the enemy of TPLF and they are the enemy of Ethiopia, they hate Ethiopia and they will do anything to hurt and divide Ethiopia so how come this opposition group depends on this type of government ?

In general Issias Afeworki is useless leader who cannot even help his own people, a leader who cannot help his own country, how can he help Ethiopia to get a better administration? He was a foreign Arab mercenary

Ethiopian government factors

Anyone who believes that the Ethiopian government is managing the country solely by their own effort and intelligence must be a fool. TPLF opened up for business, and no doubt has extensive dealings with other nations. As the time progresses we see that the Ethiopian government does something that they are not capable of, it is clear some big countries are behind the scene.

Ethiopia is the most important country to fight terrorism in the region, as the country is surrounded by failed states. Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan, South Sudan, even Yemen, Egypt, above all Ethiopia is a gate way to Africa.

The TPLF military is involved in a lot of places and their experience is growing, their strength continues to increase, and this global fire power has made Ethiopian military #40 in the military strength.

The EPRDF has diplomatic and political protection of the west that includes executing the most important projects in Ethiopia which the Ethiopian oppositions or previous governments have failed to do. Behind the scene preparation for the new generation of leaders are continuing in amazing speed. The TPLF have also hired the top economist of the world from well known Universities as advisers.

Unmatched Strength

But here is my problem the Ethiopian opposition in Diasporas clearly failed and not matched the TPLF government effort. We watched helplessly when the opposition’s leader snatched by TPLF; that is the sad and worst state of Ethiopian oppositions.
And for few days we make noise and are done with it. Our intellectual talking and writing but nothing tangible, and have achieved only talk and political diatribe. Where are we? And I think we lost!
Let God save Ethiopia from toothless oppositions and from arrogance of TPLF.

Egypt’s Unease about the GERD and the Possible Solutions

By Awash Lemma

The GERD has become a symbol of national pride, unity, and renaissance for Ethiopians. It embodies an expression of hope, determination, self-confidence, and sacrifice. On the other hand it drew a fervent opposition from Egypt mainly expressed in forms of gross disparagement, threats, and confusing messages. Ethiopians are increasingly expressing their puzzlement and anger at Egyptian officials’ behaviour. In this essay I discuss the concerns & strategy of the Egyptian government; how Egypt can overcome these, and the likely key issues the two sides would bring up to achieve a negotiated solution.

1. Egypt’s Concerns

The Nile Issue as a Trump Card

A writer recently claimed that the issue of the Nile is the main reason why Mr Morsi lost his power. I beg to differ. The Nile issue was not the main issue in the minds of Egyptians when they ousted President Morsi. They were mainly against his usurping their revolution, the rapid Islamisation of his administration, alienation of the secular revolutionaries, the haste in which he travelled in changing laws to keep his Moslem Brotherhood in power. He seemed to have learnt a lesson or two from the Iranians on how to build an Islamic / theocratic political system. The Egyptian people, bewildered by his actions moved to depose him. When he realised power is slipping away from him he tried to use the Nile issue as a trump card – remember the infamous meeting he chaired and televised live on TV. Remember his repeated rhetoric of ‘not a drop of Nile water..’, ‘all options are open..’, etc. etc. Desperate moves for desperate times. If, as some claim, the Nile issue was at the top of Egyptian people’s concerns at the time and if Egyptian people’s views were reflected by Mr Morsi’s hard-line position, then it is easy to conclude that Mr Morsi would have still been the president today.

The Drivers for Egyptian Officials’ Hysteria

What are the factors that shaped Egyptian officials’ minds to such hysteric reactions to the GERD? I came across with the following:
Internal / regional politics: It can be argued that one of the key reasons for the behaviour of Egyptian officials on the GERD is to divert the attention of the population from the economic, social, and political problems that are raging in the country currently. Plus, creating an imagined enemy that is determined to ‘destroy Egypt’s survival’ appeals well not only to Egyptians but also to some in the Arab Middle East; and garners support and assures flow of huge amount of money to Cairo.

Vanity – Fuelling the dispute is the dubious thinking often expressed as Egypt’s ‘natural’ and ‘historical’ rights, ‘national security’, ‘Arab ownership of the Nile’, etc. which lies deep in the psyche of Egyptians with regard to the Nile. Further, if such a mega dam was to be built at all, they seem to think, then that is the prerogatives of Egypt - not a poor country like Ethiopia which is technically and financially incapable.

Loss of territory - We know that some animals piss around natural land marks to demarcate the boundary for their territory. They feel dominant, and overlord on all animals in that defined territory. They aggressively fight off any intruder. Similarly, it seems that long ago Egypt had done something similar at two landmarks,
Lake Tana and Lake Victoria, to demarcate the southern boundary of its territory of influence. Hasn’t Egypt forbade any water development projects in the riparian countries that it does not approve of? Didn’t they claim they have a ‘veto’ on such developments? Didn’t they warn that any country planning a project on the Nile requires permission from Egypt? In effect Egypt has awarded itself the power of controlling the territories of other Nile countries. Therefore, the GERD implies loss of territory for Egypt. Call it virtual territory loss, if you wish. Even though the GERD is built in Western Ethiopia, much farther away from Egyptian real border it transgresses the sovereignty of the virtual territory they considered their own for millennia.

Population growth: Very fast growth of Egyptian population is a big concern for the government, and rightly so. However, it is surprising to observe why such a country as Egypt which has a uniquely limited natural resources, particularly habitable and arable land, and water to support a large population has allowed such a high rate of growth in the first place. Egypt can learn a lot from countries, such as China and India that have effectively controlled population growth through various strategies including family planning.

Rivalry - Militarily the most powerful country of the continent, leader of the Arab world, one of the anchors of stability in the Middle East, Egypt cherishes its International and regional positions. A recent rise of Ethiopia as a regional power coupled with the internal political upheaval it faced seems to shake the established position of Egypt. Ethiopia - arising, confident, and aspirant, is drawing a lot of global attention and this seems to rattle Egyptian elite class.

Fear - For some reason Egyptians appear to ignore the fact that water contained in a dam for power generation eventually flows only downwards. As an Ethiopian commentator rightly indicated recently, Ethiopia neither can nor has the intention of forcing the Nile to flow upwards. A grain of racism probably; it seems for Egyptians that Black Africans proposing on matters of the Nile is inconceivable. It must be stopped at any cost. If it dealt with Ethiopia through blackmail, threats, propaganda, or even direct attack it would be a lesson for other riparian countries. They fear that while Ethiopia’s dam is purely for energy generation dams in the upper riparian countries could be worse for Egypt – they could be multi-purpose including irrigation.

2.. To Bomb or not to Bomb – Is That the Question?

The Revolution and the Generals

I do not think Egypt has even convinced itself that it should go to war on the issue. It knows that all its objections and tantrums are built on empty rhetoric, and have no substance. If Egypt were blessed with a democratic and civilian government I would rule out any notion of military conflict. Just recall the period during the height of Egypt’s revolution some two years ago. Citizens initiated people to people dialogue and there were visits and discussions between Ethiopians and Egyptians. Egyptians were as surprised as Ethiopians; it was all about friendship, cooperation, and win-win solutions. It was proof to Ethiopians that Egypt is full of people of goodwill, looking and working as they do for dialogue and lasting friendship. The sincerity and honesty these encounters demonstrated seemed at odds with Egyptian government officials’ daily rhetoric. Unfortunately, that initiative was short lived; the Egyptian elite went back to their old bad ways. Now the revolution seems defeated and Egypt has fallen back into the arms of its generals. It is a sad thing for Egyptians and for the region.

The Role of the International Community

One Mr Hussein (I think) writing for Aljazeera recently tried to analyse the various options Egypt has to confront the Ethiopian project. As one of the options he said Egypt could bomb the dam. But then he claims Egypt may not take this action because it would fear repercussions from the International Community. I couldn’t but laugh at such analysis. Fear of repercussions? If it is an existential, national security issue, as Egyptian officials tirelessly propagate, would fear of repercussions from the International Community stop them? By the way, Egypt wouldn’t be alone in ignoring the International Community. Look at Israel; Iran, no,

look at Eritrea; they go on doing what they think is right for them despite various resolutions and sanctions from the International Community. Further, what makes him believe Egyptians are, in fact capable of successfully launching such an attack? Why did Mr Hussein think Ethiopia would be sitting idle while her dam is bombed?

If such a conflict takes place what position powers behind the ‘International Community’ would take is difficult to predict. Speaking of the International Community that probably matters most is the US. As far as the US is concerned the main concern it has in the region are three - Israel, oil, and terrorism. The position it would take is likely to be weighed against these interests rather than justice or other moral imperatives. It can be assumed that both Ethiopia and Egypt are allies and friends of the US, and in time of conflict between the two the US might be in a difficult position. But let’s not forget that all friends are not equal and the US my tilt to the one which is more important to its ‘national interest’.

As to Russia its international stand and role are often confusing. The recent Egyptian purchase of huge amount of armaments from Russia is puzzling. Why did Egypt go to Russia rather than stick to the American supply? Is it because Egypt wants to counter the US’s displeasure and a half-hearted criticism of the coup against a democratically elected president? Or, is it that the US knows about the objective of this purchase and disagreed? Haven’t the Russians asked questions and set conditions when they sell these armaments?

In any case, while the International Community matters a lot in maintaining world peace it has not been always successful. Ethiopia cannot depend on the protection of the International Community only, as her recent history testifies that the International Community has failed it whenever it appealed for support (the Italian invasion and the recent Eritrean invasion are cases in point). As always the only assured defence for Ethiopia is its patriotic army and people.

What Would President Al-Sisi Do?

Despite all his failings and hostility towards Ethiopia, I feel Sadat had shown some courage and wisdom in bringing to an end the perpetual hostility Egypt and Israel had, and negotiating a peaceful settlement. This resulted in a lot of condemnation from some political circles and eventually his loss of life. But his action brought peace to his country and the region at large.

Egyptian generals turned presidents often appear stern, detached, and grand -avatars of pharaohs past. One feels they are nearer to the moon than to us humans living on Earth. Will President al-Sisi (I predict he will be President winning more than 85% of the votes) be any different? Would he be a modern leader with new ideas, and new ways? Would he follow Sadat’s courageous change of heart and embrace negotiation and compromise for solving regional problems? Or, would he continue with the old bad ways? Hopefully, he may see the futility of hostility of the past, and take steps to build peace, friendship, and cooperation with Ethiopia and other riparian countries. Let’s wait and see.

3. The Way Forward

From Confrontation to Cooperation

In my view, the way forward for a win-win outcome for all can be outlined as follows. Generally speaking, Egypt should make a 180 degrees turnabout - a total overhaul of its policy, strategy, and total thinking on the Nile, from confrontation to cooperation.

3.1 Forget the past (‘historical rights’, ‘colonial treaties’, etc.) and look to the future through the Nile Basin Initiative. Work on a win-win solution to any problem along with riparian countries within the framework. Egypt doesn’t seem to realise that its demand for intervention in the affairs of the GERD would apply the other way round as well; that is, all other riparian countries’ governments would have the same desire. That is, to intervene in the affairs of all water projects and dams, existing and future, including those in Egypt. It is unlikely that any of the riparian countries will agree with one rule for Egypt and another for the rest of them. In effect, therefore, this means that there is no option other than to work together under the Nile Basin Initiative.

3.2 An apology is due – It would be a sign of goodwill and a beginning of a new chapter in relations if the Egyptian government would apologise to the Ethiopian people and government for its past and present hostile stances and policies. It should take the open arm invitation of Ethiopia for cooperation and friendship on the Nile and beyond. They will find that Ethiopians may not be forgetting but are forgiving.

3.3 Embrace Africa - Egypt should not get stuck just at looking towards the North (Europe) and the Middle East only, should also genuinely turn its face to the south (i.e. sub-Saharan Africa). Africa is getting the attention of the world; there is a new scramble for Africa. Africa is where the opportunity is, it is the future (if in doubt ask the Chinese, Indians, Americans, Europeans, etc.). Egypt should abandon its long held prejudices and arrogance and build the bridge of friendship and cooperation for its own good.

3.4. Further, Egypt can take various measures to improve its water management in the short term and long term as follows:

a) Economise and preserve - Use the Nile waters along its banks only

b) Overhaul its irrigation techniques and systems and adapt modern ones. Egypt is fortunate to have powerful and rich friends. For example, it can easily get most advanced water management technology from its neighbour, Israel. Israel is reputed for highly advanced, probably the most advanced, water technology. Finance is no issue; as the Gulf States pour money into Egypt without asking any questions, including for purchase of war toys. There is the US who could convert the billions of assistance per annum in armaments to water and environmental management technologies.

c) Scrap the grand designs to divert Nile waters to the Egyptian desert at large, much further from the banks, and also to Sinai Peninsula and beyond.

d) Review its agricultural policy and focus on growing food crops only and give up water wasting cash crops.

e) Negotiate with South Sudan and the Sudan, through the Nile Basin Initiative, to harvest water from the wetlands and boost the flow of the White Nile. I think this is an existing project which is on hold partly due to the lack of peace in the area. Egypt’s hostility and sabotage of South Sudan’s aspiration for independence had a role. Now that South Sudan has achieved its independence, I think it can be persuaded to activate the project as a mutually beneficial undertaking.

f) Desalination: Reports abound that inform us that the cost and process of desalination is improving tremendously with modern technology and is becoming an important source of fresh water. Again talk to friends such as Israel, the US, and Gulf States which are very ready to help. For example, recently, it is reported that the financial pledges from Gulf States to Egypt amounted to $16 billion.

g) Dig. A recent report claims that Egypt is virtually ‘floating on water’. It is very rich in underground water, in fact much richer than Ethiopia, and is ranked second in Africa. So, dig Egypt, dig.

h) Dig more. A recent Economist article informs us that the Earth’s crust is endowed with abundant amount of water. It requires only digging deeper, according to the article. So Egypt, dig even more!

The Billion Dollar Question

Mind you, all the above are in addition to the regular flow of the Nile as usual whose flow will not be significantly affected by the GERD. So, the billion dollar question is while there are so many plausible possibilities for water development why is Egypt opting for hostility and confrontation on issues of the Nile? Ethiopia and Egypt may not be in the same ‘poverty league’, but I assume Egypt has as many social and economic problems to tackle as Ethiopia. A recent article in the Economist indicates that more than 25% of its population (that is more than 20 million Egyptians) live in poverty. As Ethiopia does, Egypt can aim fighting poverty as a priority.

Therefore overcoming Egypt’s concerns is really a matter of giving up their strong and long held prejudices and fears, grasping reality, and working in a spirit of friendship and cooperation for a win-win solution.

4. The Inevitable Negotiations

The above possible solutions are compiled by me, an individual who has no experience or expertise in water management or ‘water politics’. My views are only a common sense reflection from casual reading of current writings on the issues. On the other hand it is clear that Egyptians, endowed with tens of thousands of scientists, water experts, engineers, hydrologists, technologists, etc., and I hope equally informed politicians too, should know much much more and better than the likes of me.

Then, why are solutions along the above lines not forthcoming? What is keeping the Egyptians just to enmity, confrontation, rhetoric, threats, blackmailing, etc. on issues of the Nile for so long?

Many reports posted on related webcites indicate that the idea of building a dam on the Blue Nile is not new. It has been considered several times in the past involving Ethiopian, British, and American governments and companies from the latter two countries. Among the proposals was that Egypt / Sudan bear most of the cost of such a dam, and also should pay annual water fees to Ethiopia. Now it seems Egypt is getting the benefits of such a dam without paying any of the cost or any water fees. I think Egyptian unease about the GERD comes from this – that is; getting all the benefit of the dam free is too good to be true!

The strategy, therefore, is to continue to threaten, confuse, undermine, destabilise, pressurise; isolate, defame, encircle; campaign against Ethiopia and the dam at any and every forum. This is intended to shape world opinion and build the grounds in Egypt’s favour for the inevitable negotiations to come. Eventually, when there is some kind of mediation and subsequent negotiations Egypt will use all these as bargaining chips. It will claim it has made a lot of difficult concessions while it has made none; other than giving up the threats and rhetoric - ‘historical rights’, ‘a drop of water’, etc. From Egypt’s point of view, key issues to be tabled are likely to include - a limitation on the size of the dam, stretching the filling time of the dam, joint management, joint ownership, etc. or combinations of any of these. Egypt will try to get Ethiopia into a binding commitment that Egypt should get all the benefits from the dam free. This and future Ethiopian governments should not ask any payment from Egypt what so ever. However, current indications are that Ethiopia is unlikely to compromise on most of these issues.

On the Ethiopian part there are issues it would bring to the table. Among other things the negotiations and any agreement should come under the Nile Basin Initiative Framework. Further, on specific issues of the GERD she should insist on a trilateral rather than a bilateral agreement. The Sudan should be part of any agreements to be reached. A mechanism of managing the natural environment, particularly reforestation of the Ethiopian highlands should be agreed with a possibility of annual financial contributions from Egypt and the Sudan for this purpose. Egypt should present to the negotiation forum its short term and long term strategy and commitment for water preservation and management along the issues outlined in 3.4 above. The negotiations are likely to be mediated by the
Americans and possibly the Europeans, and Ethiopia should use the forum to demand from these powers to bringing to an end the deliberate starvation of World
Bank and IMF funds to various Ethiopian projects.