This was an Eritrean intelligence activity, falsely flagged as an OLF initiative.

“Te’ame opened his laptop and showed me a video about how Iraqi insurgents have used explosives to powerful effect. He was trying to motivate me […] then he closed the laptop and told me that we would make Addis Ababa like Baghdad.”

[T]his operation was effectively an Eritrean intelligence activity, falsely flagged as an OLF initiative.



A UN report confirmed Eritrea’s foiled plot to ‘make Addis Ababa like Baghdad’, as reported earlier in this blog. The report by ‘the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea’ that was submitted to the Secretary General, and published today, provides a long list of Eritrea’s ‘support to armed groups involved in violence, destabilization or terrorist acts’ in the Horn of Africa.

[The report is more than 400 pages, including a part on Somalia. Thus, I will provide you with key point of the report, topic by topic, in this blog.]

The major one of Eritrea’s destabilizing attempts and activities is the January 2011 plot to bomb AU Summit that was thwarted by Ethiopia’s National Anti-Terrorism Joint Taskforce, which consists the National Intelligence and Security Service(NISS) and the Federal Police. The report notes the implication of the plot as follows:


Whereas Eritrean support to foreign armed opposition groups has in the past been limited to conventional military operations, the plot to disrupt the African Union summit in Addis Ababa in January 2011, which envisaged mass casualty attacks against civilian targets and the strategic use of explosives to create a climate of fear, represents a qualitative shift in Eritrean tactics.

Here is the section of the report detailing Eritrea’s plot to bomb AU Summit

Case study: planned “Oromo Liberation Front” operation to disrupt the African Union summit

286. In early 2011, Ethiopian intelligence and federal police disrupted a conspiracy to bomb targets in and around Addis Ababa at the time of the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of the African Union, which was scheduled to take place on 30 and 31 January 2011. Although ostensibly an OLF operation, it was conceived, planned, supported and directed by the external operations directorate of the Government of Eritrea, under the leadership of General Te’ame. If executed as planned, the operation would almost certainly have caused mass civilian casualties, damaged the Ethiopian economy and disrupted the African Union summit.[222]

(a) Background to the operation: recruitment, planning and training

287. Planning for the operation appears to have begun in 2008, when the National Security Agency of Eritrea recruited and trained the first of the OLF fighters to be involved in the operation. Fekadu Abdisu Gusu, a survivor from an OLF unit that had been defeated and dispersed with heavy losses by the Ethiopian military, told the Monitoring Group that in 2008 an OLF associate in Kenya had put him in contact with an Eritrean Colonel calling himself “Gemachew Ayana”, also known as “Kercho”. Gemachew gave Fekadu instructions to travel with three other OLF fighters to Eritrea by way of the Sudan. [223]

288. Following his arrival in Eritrea, Fekadu received several weeks of initial training in explosives theory and practice at various sites in and around Asmara, under Gemachew’s supervision. The principal instructor was an Eritrean officer known to his students only by the nickname “Wedi Eyasu”.[224] Upon completion of this training, Fekadu told the Monitoring Group, he was instructed to travel to Addis Ababa to familiarize himself with the city.[225]

289. Two months later Fekadu was recalled to Eritrea for more extended and intensive training in a range of military skills, first near Dek’emhare then at the camp of Een, where he and other OLF trainees spent the rest of 2009. According to Fekadu, a Tigrayan militia group known as “Demhit” was also training at Een during the same period. [226]

290. While Fekadu was training at Een, the Eritrean security services, through Colonel Gemachew, approached an OLF cadre based in Djibouti named Omar Idriss Mohamed, who would eventually become the team leader for the Addis Ababa operation. In interviews with the Monitoring Group, Omar stated that he had joined OLF in 2003, undergone training in Eritrea at Mulubera (near Gash Barka) and Addis Ma’askar, and held increasingly senior posts. During the month of Ramadan (August/September) 2009 he was contacted by OLF Chairman Dawud Ibsa and told to expect a call from an Eritrean officer who would give him a secret assignment. Shortly afterwards he was contacted by Colonel Gemachew, who told him to bring five new recruits to Eritrea.[227] He did so, crossing the border at Dada’atu, and subsequently returned to Djibouti.[228] Imam Sa’id Ahmed, who was among the five, confirms that the group was subsequently assigned to train together with Fekadu at Een.[229]

291. In March 2010, Omar was again recalled to Eritrea, meeting with Gemachew and Te’ame at an Asmara hotel. Te’ame told Omar that he would receive explosives training for “urban operations” and should select two of the five recruits he had brought from Djibouti for this special purpose. Omar travelled to Een to attend the graduation ceremony of the recruits, who knew him under the pseudonym “Yahya”, and selected two of them as Te’ame had requested: Abdulqadir “Gurtu” and Sa’id Mohamed Yusuf “Drogba”.

292. In late April or early May 2011, after two weeks of theoretical and practical training in and around Asmara, the three of them were instructed to prepare for a mission to Djibouti, with the objective of blowing up Ethiopian fuel trucks at a depot on the outskirts of Djibouti town. They were told that the explosives would be delivered to them.

293. For reasons that are unclear, Te’ame recalled Omar to Eritrea before the planned operation could be carried out. Omar and his two associates travelled overland to Djibouti, where they spent several weeks on reconnaissance before being recalled to Eritrea. He and 10 other OLF fighters were sent to Een for a month of refresher training in basic infantry skills, under the supervision of the Een camp commander, Colonel Jamal, with Omar serving as the group’s leader. Upon completion of the training, Omar was recalled to Asmara where Te’ame informed him that his new target for the operation was to be Addis Ababa.



(b) Team 1: Fekadu Abdisu Gusu

294. In March 2010, as final preparation prior to deployment, Fekadu and other trainees were sent to Asmara for a brief course with Wedi Eyasu on the use of mobile telephones and mechanical timers to detonate explosives. According to Sifen Chala Bedada, a member of Fekadu’s team, he and other members unfamiliar with explosives received essentially the same basic training that Fekadu had received, as well as some instruction from Te’ame in operational security and countersurveillance.[230] Gemachew then instructed Fekadu and his team to return to Addis Ababa, where they were to await the arrival of explosives and further orders. Following his deployment, Fekadu remained in contact with Gemachew, with phone records indicating that at least 27 conversations took place between them. [231]

295. Fekadu and his team were sustained in Addis Ababa thanks to periodic money transfers from abroad. Sifen Chala Bedada told the Monitoring Group that Gemachew arranged for him to receive payments through the Dahabshiil and Amal money transfer companies, using various Oromo and Eritrean intermediaries in Kenya and the Sudan. Official documents issued by Amal Express and the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia confirm that such transactions took place (see annex 8.4.b).

(c) Team 2: Omar Idriss Mohamed

296. In mid-2010, Omar was dispatched to Ethiopia with instructions from Te’ame to reconnoitre an overland route to Addis Ababa by way of Chifra, for infiltration of his team, and to survey a number of possible targets in the Ethiopian capital, including the African Union headquarters, the London Café, near Bole Airport, the Axum Hotel, and the Filoha area between the Sheraton Hotel and the Prime Minister’s office.

297. Upon completion of his reconnaissance mission, Omar returned to Eritrea where he rejoined the trainees at Een. Upon their graduation in December 2010, Omar and “Drogba” travelled together to Assab for a final session on explosives with Wadi Eyasu and a briefing from Te’ame. In an interview with the Monitoring Group, Omar recalled Te’ame’s briefing in the following terms:


“One of the targets he gave me was the African Union summit. I was told to rent a Land Cruiser or a car of the same standard as the African Union leaders and delegates. I was to prepare two to four cylinders, hidden in a TV style box, and put it behind the seat of the vehicle. I was to extend the fuse to the front panel of the car. We should study the times that the African Union leaders took their breaks and choose a time that they were either coming or going. Then we should set a mobile phone alarm for that time. We were to sit in a nearby hotel or café and if the leaders came out at a different time, we could call the cell phone.

“The intention was not to kill the leaders, but to show them that they are not safe, that Ethiopia is not safe for them. By so doing, some people may start to listen to what Eritrea is saying about Ethiopia. Some Arab States will be sympathetic to this view.

“Another target was Filoha, near the Palace, the Sheraton and the Prime Minister’s office.

“The third target was Merkato [the largest open air market in Africa] to kill many people. This would make the people complain that the Government is not keeping them safe. We would place the explosives, together with gas cylinders, on an Isuzu pick-up truck. Such a truck can be filled with up to 15 cylinders and 4 to 6 kg of C-4 explosive. We were to wrap the cylinders with detonator cord and extend it to the front of the vehicle. The C-4 would be packed around the inner six cylinders, and the detonator cord would be wrapped around the other nine. The fuse would be placed in one end of the detonator cord and initiated by mobile phone.

“Te’ame opened his laptop and showed me a video about how Iraqi insurgents have used explosives to powerful effect. He was trying to motivate me […] then he closed the laptop and told me that we would make Addis Ababa like Baghdad.”[232]

298. The following day, Omar met again with Te’ame and Gemachew to discuss possible follow-up operations, including bombings of Government-affiliated banks, public transport networks and the Addis Ababa power grid.

299. According to Omar, he and Drogba received from Gemachew a bag of approximately 20 kg of C-4 explosive, detonators and a roll of 100 metres of RDX detonator cord (pictures of items recovered from the OLF team are attached in annex 8.4.c).

300. They travelled on foot to Djibouti, then by car across the border into Ethiopia. Omar described in detail to the Monitoring Group the precautions taken at each stage of the journey to avoid detection by Ethiopian police and security forces. Upon arrival in Addis Ababa, Omar handed over the explosives and material to an individual named “Musa”, whose task was to keep the explosives safe until they were required for operations. Omar also contacted Fekadu, whose team was already in place awaiting instructions.

301. Fekadu briefed Omar that they had failed to find a vehicle, since most car hire agencies would not provide a car without a driver, and that to purchase a vehicle required them to present identification. Omar also observed that Fekadu had rented a house in a shared compound, undermining privacy and secrecy.

(d) Team 3: Mohamed Nur “Doctor”

302. While the team in Addis Ababa struggled to prepare the operation, the remaining trainees at Een completed their training and also prepared for deployment overland into Ethiopia. One member of this team, Imam, told the Monitoring Group that an Eritrean logistics officer at Een issued weapons and equipment to the team. As the team sniper, he was given a Dragunov-type sniper rifle, which he carried on the mission (see para. 307 and fig. XIV below, as well as export details and the end-user certificate in annex 8.4.d).[233] The others received Kalashnikov-pattern assault rifles and ammunition.[234] Mohamed Nur “Doctor”, one of the original recruits enlisted by Omar from Djibouti, was designated the team leader.

303. According to both Imam and Sa’id Abdirahman Omar, the team was first travelled to Assab, where Te’ame and Gemachew provided them with final instructions and explosives. Their orders were to travel on foot to the Chifra area, where they should bury the explosives and await further orders from Omar.[235]

(e) The operation unravels

304. In early January 2011, with the date of the operation fast approaching, Omar requested additional funds from Gemachew:


“The additional cash was sent to Addis via Amal hawala from Kenya in the name of Omar Idriss. Then I gave the new $3,000 to the three other guys and I kept the balance of what was remaining from Asmara to myself. Gemachew had also told me he would send $500 to a woman associated with one of the guys — Enani Melesi, a friend of Tesfay [Fekadu], so she could return to Asmara.” [236]

305. The Monitoring Group subsequently obtained the records of both of these transactions, dated 8 January 2011, corroborating Omar’s account (see annex 8.4.b).

306. In the last week of January, with time running out before the African Union summit, Omar felt the need to consult with Gemachew. In order to do so, he would travel to Metemma, near the Sudanese border, where he could call Eritrea from a Sudanese SIM card. Likewise, Gemachew would sometimes travel to Teseney in Eritrea from where he could call with a Sudanese or Ethiopian SIM (see phone records attached in annex 8.4.e). Phone records appear to indicate that they made contact 39 times during Omar’s deployment in Ethiopia, mainly initiated by Gemachew. Omar also spoke once with Te’ame and Dawud Ibsa while they were together at Te’ame’s office.[237] The phone number indicated in phone records for Te’ame’s office is the same one independently provided to the Monitoring Group by another former OLF cadre, arrested in the Sudan, during an interview in May 2011.[238] The Monitoring Group is in possession of an audio recording of a conversation between Omar and Te’ame (archived with the United Nations), and has independently verified Te’ame’s voice.

307. While in Metemma, Omar learned that the team led by “Doctor” had been intercepted by Ethiopian security forces near Bati and that one of them, Imam, had been injured, captured and displayed on Ethiopian television. When arrested, Imam was in possession of a Romanian-made PSL (Dragunov-type) sniper rifle that he told the Monitoring Group had been issued to him at Een. In a letter to the Monitoring Group dated 11 April 2011, the Government of Romania confirmed that it had sold the rifle and attached sniper scope to the Ministry of Defence of Eritrea in 2004 and provided supporting documentation, including an end-user certificate issued by the Government of Eritrea (see annex 8.4.d).

308. Other members of the “Doctor” team escaped and dispersed. Omar told the Monitoring Group that he immediately put the Addis operation on hold while he travelled to Bati to find and rescue the remaining team members. He was able to find only two of his team members, Ali and Abdi, who had gone into hiding in the bush near Gerba; another two had been picked up by the police. “Doctor” had been killed.

309. When Omar and the survivors returned to Addis Ababa, the African Union summit was in progress, but without a suitable vehicle and with time running out, he abandoned the African Union as a target and decided to simply attack two other venues using taxis. After the summit had ended, on the morning of 2 February 2011, together with Abdi and Fekadu, he reconnoitred the Axum Hotel and Filoha.[239] Then Omar called Musa and arranged a meeting in the afternoon to pick up the explosives and detonators. They handed over the equipment in Piazza, and Omar transferred the material to Fekadu’s house.

310. The next morning, police arrested Fekadu and his associates at the house. When Omar tried contacting Fekadu and found his phone switched off, he became nervous and relocated the other team members to a new hotel.

311. The following day Omar boarded a public minibus where other passengers were talking about a police arrest of people with explosives. He avoided Fekadu’s residence and told the rest of his team to move to Kombolcha to avoid capture. Then he visited Fekadu’s residence, and found it empty. After a few more days in Addis, changing hotels each night and divesting himself of false documents and SIM cards, he moved to Nazret. On the way, he was arrested.

(f) Analysis

312. Only one detainee interviewed by the Monitoring Group, team leader Omar Idriss Mohamed, appears to have been in regular contact with the OLF leadership in Asmara. All other team members were isolated from OLF structures from the moment of recruitment and received all training and orders directly from Eritrean officers. According to Omar, only Dawud Ibsa, Chairman of OLF, was aware of the existence of this special operation and its objectives, and he does not appear to have exercised any command or control over its actions.[240] The Monitoring Group therefore concludes that this operation was effectively an Eritrean intelligence activity, falsely flagged as an OLF initiative.

******************************
Notes:
222 – From 7 to 10 March 2011, the Monitoring Group was granted access to evidence recovered by the Government of Ethiopia, including arms, explosives, telephone and financial records and telephone intercepts. During that period, the Group also spent more than 22 hours over a period of three days separately interviewing seven detained members of OLF involved in the operation, including team leader Omar Idriss Mohamed.
223 – Interview with Fekadu Abdisu Gusu, 9 March 2011.
224 – The Monitoring Group believes this individual to be Solomon Eyasu, a Ministry of Defence official who also assists the presidential office in matters of security.
225 – Interview with Fekadu Abdisu Gusu, 9 March 2011.
226 – Interview with Fekadu Abdisu Gusu, 9 March 2011. This information corresponds with information obtained during an interview with an ONLF detainee, November 2010.
227 – The five recruits were: Sa’id Ali Ahmed “Doctor”, Imam Sa’id Ahmed (also known as Yemam also known as Abu Mohamed Telah also known as Abdulwahab), Abdou Sa’id Mufti (also known as “Ali”), Abdulqadir “Gurtu” and Sa’id Mohamed Yusuf “Drogba”.
228 – FRUD commander Mohamed Jabhaa also confirmed to the Monitoring Group the use of Dada’atu as a primary crossing point for members of OLF. Interview, Djibouti, 30 November 2010.
229 – Interview with Imam Sa’id Ahmed, 10 March 2011.
230 – Interview with Sifen Chala Bedada, 10 March 2011.
231 – Confidential document archived at the United Nations.
232 – Interview with Omar Idriss Mohamed, 10 March 2011.
233 – Interview with Imam Sa’id Ahmed, 10 March 2011.
234 – According to Imam Sa’id Ahmed, the members of this team were (a) Sa’id Ali Ahmedey also known as Mohamed Nur also known as “Doctor”; (b) Imam Sa’id Ahmed also known as Abdu Mohamed Toleha; (c) Abdu Sa’id Mufti also known as Ali; (d) Adem Awel Sa’id; (e) Adem Idriss; (f) Sa’id Abdirahman Omar also known as Sa’id Kemse also known as Bow; and (g) Feyera Bekele also known as Abdi.
235 – Separate interviews with Imam Sa’id Ahmed and Sa’id Abdirahman Omar on 10 March 2011.
236 – Interview with Omar Idriss Mohamed, 8 March 2011.
237 – Interview with Omar Idriss Mohamed, 8 March 2011, and telephone records.
238 – Interview, May 2011. The same source told the Monitoring Group he had met with “Yahya” (also known as Omar Idriss Mohamed) during a visit to Asmara in 2010. He travelled twice to Asmara between 2010 and early 2011, where he also met OLF leaders including Dawud Ibsa.
239 – Separate interviews with Omar Idriss Mohamed and Fekadu Abdisu Gusu, both on 9 March 2010.
240 – Interviews with Omar Idriss Mohamed, 8 and 9 March 2010.

Eritrea, the silent nation under the Mad man Issias Afrworki

Ten years ago press freedom was taken away in the country of Eritrea, in the Horn of Africa. In September 2001 all privately owned print media was closed down by the government with many of the native journalists arrested and detained in prison.
The last local government election in Eritrea took place in 2004 after the 2001 election had been postponed because the land was under construction. There has not been a general election since 1993.
Run by The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the only political party allowed, the government leader is President Isaias Afwerki.
Independent media has been banned since 2001 and the country does not have one single foreign correspondent residing there. Without an independent voice human rights abuses go unreported allowing the government to abuse those opposed to the current system. There is no due process with prisoners sitting for years in jail.
Currently there are about 30 journalists being held by the government somewhere in the 314 prison camps and detention centers that litter the nation. At least four journalists have not survived the stark conditions where medical services are neglected, food is deprived and excessive heat is the way of life. Unknown numbers of journalists have simply disappeared.
Citizens deal with severe restrictions on their basic human rights. Basic freedoms of speech, press, assembly, religion and travel are restricted or severely limited. Women, gays and lesbians, certain religious groups, disabled persons and those who are infected with HIV are abused and discriminated against. Young girls face female genital mutilation is prevalent in rural areas. Workers rights are limited and children are forced into labour.
The restrictions are not just limited to the nations citizens but to humanitarian agencies, the United Nations, foreign residents and foreign diplomats. Even in the face of consular emergencies foreign diplomats are required to apply for travel permits 10 days in advance. Those applications are often not answered or refused outright.
People in Eritrea are facing mass executions. In April 24 people were executed in the gold mining areas of Hademdem and Fankon in the Gash-Barka region according to local reports. Among those killed were government officials and journalists.
In 2003 Yosuf Mohamed Ali, a journalist, and Aster Fessehasion, and former minister Salih Kekiya died due to the excessive heat within a three day period while in prison.
It's not uncommon for people to be arrested on political grounds. One of the most famous cases was the mass arrest of several hundred people in 2001 who were said to have spoken against the government's actions. Several of those detained were tortured to death and others still remain behind bars. The International Red Cross has been denied access to these prisoners.
It is also not uncommon for military and government officials to seize property of private citizens so that they may house their own families.
Eritrea has three newspapers, three radio stations and two television stations run by the government. There is no private broadcasting or media of any other kind within its borders. Foreign publications must met the government's approval. Only those who have the means to buy satellite dishes have any media access to the outside world.
That hasn't stopped dedicated journalists who have left the nation. After the 2001 ban several radio stations were founded from exile such as Radio Assenna and Radio Erena in Europe. These actions have not been without risk. In 2009 the entire staff of Asmara-based Radio Bana was detained. It is not known where these people are at this time, it is assumed that they are still alive and in detention.
Citizens are 'allowed' to use the Internet but it is common knowledge that their emails and viewing are monitored by the government. About 4 percent of the population uses the Internet according to statistics from the International Telecommunication Union. Much of these use is in major cities like Asmara where there are monitored Internet cafes. The majority of Eritreans do not have access to the Internet.
This is the first in a series of reports. During the next seven days reports will continue on the conditions of the nation of Eritrea and what journalists in that nation are facing. All research material has been provided privately by a member of PEN Canada.

Ethiopia: We are all prisoners

By Yilma Bekele
East Europe suffered under Soviet domination for over fifty years. While West Europe was marching forward East Europe was engulfed in darkness and hopelessness. The Arabs with all their vast population and abundant natural resources stumbled around for so long they were considered people of no consequences. The East Europeans emerged from their forced slavery and are now trying to rebuild a new reality. The Arabs are showing signs of life. From the shores of the Atlantic all the way to the Indian Ocean Arab awakening is the talk of the planet.

As usual Africa is acting dead. The 'Dark Continent' as they aptly named us is still in slumber mode. It still is the playground of the buffoon, the mentally unstable, the psychopath and the pure evil. The Mugabe’s, Museveni’s, Bashir’s, Zenawi’s, Afeweki’s are the faces of Africa. They have been around so long that it is difficult to remember what came before their rude appearance. We Ethiopians have contributed our fair share to this collective madness. We are not innocent bystanders but rather one of the stars of this tragic show. Nobody thought we would sink this low in such a short time. Here we are at the bottom of the barrel.

Do you want me to remind you of the times the name Ethiopia evoked pride and hope? Believe me it is true. Our country is so old and our people so wise that we even have a mention in the Bible. I know it is difficult to top that but I will humbly mention our earthly accomplishments too. The Axumite Kingdom is considered one of the four Great powers along with Persia, Rome and China around 4th century BC. We are the only country in Africa not to be colonized by the Europeans. We were equal founders in the establishment of the League of Nations the forerunner to the current United Nations. Our Emperor played a key role in establishing the Organization of Africa Unity with Addis Ababa as its Headquarters. There was a time when Emperor Haile Selassie hosted warring factions in our capital and he was listened to.

That is why I believe our ancient land will usher in the people’s uprising that is shaking our neighborhood into Black Africa. We are ripe and ready. We are overdue. I know it. Deep inside you know it too. The Ethiopian dictatorship understands the volatility of the situation. At this moment it is operating on crisis mode. The regime is experimenting with so many responses it is actually possible the right hand does not know what the left is doing. That is the problem with occupiers. They end up being strangers in their own country. They saw themselves differently. They felt they were entitled. They felt safe inside the false wall they built. Looks like the chicken are coming home to roost. How pathetic!

It is becoming obvious the situation in Ethiopia shows all the signs of readiness for upheaval. It has reached what in physics is known as ‘critical mass.’ In politics the current situation has all what is needed to force a new reality to take place. Be it positive or negative something is bound to happen and that is independent of any ones wish.

The famine/hunger/ food shortage whatever it is called is the main catalyst. The Ethiopian government does not have enough foreign currency to buy food for its people. The wrong polices of the last twenty years have not been able to solve this lingering problem. Due to the worsening situation in Somalia food donor’s attention is not focused on our country. The regime is in no position to admit famine has arrived. It will be suicidal. Unfortunately it cannot be hidden or ignored. The ferenjis are beginning to ring the alarm bells but very cautiously. They do not want to upset their ‘anti-terrorist’ partner. Like it or not hungry people soon turn to angry people. Mobs have been known to do strange things when outraged. It is critical we find a way to channel this raw anger into positive direction for the sake of all of us.

The second condition feeding our critical mass political situation is the general melt down of the economy. Officially inflationist 40.6% for what it is worth. You know the actual figure is close to double that. This New Year the price of basic goods and necessities was beyond even professional citizen’s standard. Cow/Bull was eleven thousand Bir, Sheep fifteen hundred, Chicken one hundred twenty five, Teff one thousand five hundred, red onion six Bir per kilo, garlic one hundred Bir per kilo, butter one hundred twenty five per kilo, berbere sixty per kilo and so forth. Most of our people are going to bed hungry. The children and the elderly suffer the most. Even those who have jobs cannot afford to feed their family.

The third ingredient is unemployment. There is no private sector so to speak of in Ethiopia. The government is the largest employer in the country. That is done for control. Realistically it is not a good or efficient economic model. When you consider the government is broke thus unable to meet the needs of a growing population it fair to say it is sitting on a time bomb. Idleness breeds’ anti-social behavior. The regime tried using drugs like Kat and televised sports to divert but it can only go so far.

The fourth factor is the dwindling remittances and Diaspora investment. Remittances have definitely shown dramatic decrease due to the international economic situation. The Middle East is in turmoil and the West is closing its doors to outsiders. The double digit ‘growth’ was not due to increase in economic production but due to remittances from the Diaspora and aid money from the ferenjis. It was an illusion built on sand. All those condominiums and shopping centers are colossal waste. When the artificially inflated real estate prices plummet the door is not wide enough for those that want to exit.

The fifth catalyst will be the situation in the North Africa, The Middle East, and the general mood of the Western enablers. The Arab Spring is known to all in Ethiopia. They are familiar with this type of situation. No matter how hard the regime tries to pretend there is nothing odd going on, the eyes and ears of our people are following the drama intently. Although our information system is carefully managed by the TPLF blanket they covered our country with, it is full of holes. News gets in. The Western enablers are confused. Their ‘smart’ intelligence system did not even see the Arab Spring train pulling into the station. Their banana republic puddles are falling one after another. Mubarak’s fall was spectacular. Now they are cautious showing any kind of fondness to the rest of their puppies. Swim or sink the dogs have entered uncharted waters. One or two will survive but most will be history. Meles is trying to avoid that fate. He is trying to cancel his reservation at Kaliti Presidential suite.

I kept the beast for last. I am delighted to say the nature of the TPLF regime is the absolute best carrier of the fissionable material for our critical mass to reach its tipping point and deliver a brand new reality to our beautiful homeland. What more can you ask when you are given a virus that carries its own destruction code embedded. Our precious regime is doing that as we speak. The madness started about two months ago and it is continuing at an accelerated pace. Meles and company have completely and absolutely arrived at the conclusion that no matter what change is coming. They are swimming against the tide.

We are lucky that it does not require a lot to create panic in the TPLF politburo. They have a tendency to lash out blindly and irrationally. They are so used to bullying that violence is their first response for any new situation. They started by imprisoning media figures. Awramba Times deputy editor Wubeshet Taye and Feteh Magazine Reeyot Alemu were arrested on vague charges and kept in isolation. Their next victims were political leaders. Bekele Gerba of OFDM and Olbana Lelisa of OPC and twenty-nine individuals were arrested for being suspected of belonging to Oromo Liberation Front.

The arrest of Ato Debebe Eshetu, Ato Andualem Arage Secretary of UDJ and reporter Eskender Nega is the latest in this high stake drama. All are accused of the usual crimes of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order and belonging to terrorist organizations. As is customary they will be kept in isolation. Shimels Kemal will promise to produce evidence to prove their crime.

Why are Meles and company doing all this? I assure you it is not because it is fun. It is the only thing they know. They have been doing it for twenty years. Although both the domestic scene and the international situation are presenting a completely new reality the regime’s response seems unchanged. It is highly possible that they have decided there is no other palatable option left to them. That is the problem with criminal enterprises, they cannot cut and disappear, they carry too much baggage. I believe that is TPLF problem and we will set it aside.

If you notice closely they pick their victims carefully. TPLF goes for impact. They create big waves with big news. Ethiopia is one big TPLF prison. The ones we hear are about the big fish. For every Debebe, Andualem, Eskender, Bekele and Olbana there are hundred nameless incarcerated all over the country. This is the way they have been operating for twenty years. Remember Kinijit leaders, did you forget Teddy Afro or Judge Bertukan. They are all symbolic figures to send the message to the rest of us. It is in your face challenge. They are saying to us what are you going to do about it? The truth is it does not move their agenda one inch forward. Their empty bravado isolates them further and increases their paranoia.
We see hunger and we are sad. We see the hopelessness of our people and we grieve. We see the bravery of our neighbors in Egypt, Libya and Yemen and we see hope. When are we going to move from thinking to acting? When are we going to transform our apathy to a meaningful action? When are we going to stop crying for our mother and instead roll up our sleeves and smash the pain factory known as TPLF inc? Someone once said ‘acts of bravery don’t always take place in a battlefield.’ You don’t have to be in Ethiopia to fight TPLF injustice. We all did not go to South Africa to fight Apartheid. South Africans all did not pick up the gun to fight the unjust system. Those that wish freedom and justice fight from where ever they are.
We ask our people to take matter into their hands and smash the TPLF system wherever it rears its head in our precious land. TPLF headquarters, TPLF businesses, TPLF arms of coercion should be targeted and neutralized. All TPLF command and control centers should be made into battlefield. War has been declared on our people it is only fitting that we in turn make our country hell for those that want to impose their rotten, ethnic based rule on us. I am sure our people will turn fear into strength and show the few the power of the many. The time for tears is over. It is time to give a taste of their own medicine back to these ungrateful occupiers.
We hope to hear good news in the coming days and weeks. We hope to hear Meles squealing like a terrified pig from his hiding place under the palace. This is not idle talk or empty wish. It is going to happen because both the local and international situations are conducive to getting rid of tyrants. We each have a choice. We can sit at home or our favorite coffee houses and talk or we can rise up and complement the battle cry of our people. We can criticize those that are doing what they believe to be right or we can join the freedom train and make the battle quick and less painful.
The various Security personnel, Federal Police chiefs, Kebele leaders we want you to know that we are watching your every move. We are recording your every bad deed. We want you to know that Meles and family will try to finagle their way out of the mess they created but you will be left high and dry to fend for yourself. I was just following order has never been a good defense.

Ethiopia's Port City of Assab and the Book

By Tedla Asfaw
The eve of the Ethiopian New Year 2004 was celebrated in music and prayer in New York City and its surroundings. The new book, "Who owns Asab, the question of the sea outlet of Ethiopia " by Dr. Yacob Hailemariam printed in Addis Ababa few months ago is a good start for new year, Meskerem/September 1, 2004. The DVD of Bishop Mekarios interview with Journalist Sisaye Agena in April this year on ESAT was distributed to our community with no charge to answer his call for justice similar to Desmond Tutu's call in Apartheid South Africa.

I encourage all who have not read and see the DVD I mentioned above to start their new year like I did. The book by Dr. Yacob is a crush course for "Aseb 101". Since all of us played a part in the battle for Aseb in one way or another it is not hard to read less than 240 pages book in one day like I did.

I started the book on a train after I got it from a friend last Saturday night and I finished it within 24 hours. I went back in time when I first visited Aseb for a work trip from Dubti/Tendaho about 200 km drive in heat three decades ago. Logya, Serdo an earthquake prone area, near Aseb there was a contraband place called Manda. I was not aware of a place called "Buri" where thousands gave their lives on the Badme war in 1998-2000 between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

For fist and "last" time I saw Red Sea, by far Aden a light flickering in distance. I smell and test the Red Sea, it was sweet. Since then Aseb has been in my DNA. The course "Aseb 101' did boost my immune system to fight again for Aseb until it returns back to its home, Afar Ethiopia.

True Aseb is not lucky like many rivers and lakes in Ethiopia which had songs of their own that is embedded in Ethiopian psyche but Aseb is more than all of them when it comes to the national security and economic well being of mother Ethiopia. I have been loyal to the Afar people of Ethiopia since 1980s by living and working with them. They are patriotic people who defended our sea and land for generations. Today however they are separated from their family members after TPLF and Shabya torpedoed to power two decades ago.

It was the Afar people that was attacked by joint forces of TPLF and Shabya before the Eritrean referendum. Afar was and is the biggest threat for both regimes because Afar never participated in any kind of referendum that put ten percent of its population on present day Eritrea and the rest in Ethiopia.

Before the Eritrean referendum, Ethiopian activists in New York area organized a meeting supported by facts and maps to address the issue Dr. Yacob tackled in his book. ARDUF representative from Toronto, Mr. Mohamed, brought his experience and shared it with the audience. Mr. Mohamed was known in North America as a fluent speaker of Afar, Tigrenga and Amharic defending the people of Afar and advocating for the self determination of the Afar people to decide their future before the imposed Eritrean referendum.

We informed the foreign observers of the Eritrean referendum the situation in Afar and the ongoing attack by joint forces of TPLF and Shabya. This was the time before the Internet boom and many of the writings were not available for Dr. Yacob to incorporate on his book. Many photos of our rally in support of the people of Afar to remain Ethiopian in New York are still with me.

During the Badme war we went to the Ethiopian Embassy and met Dr. Duri the Ambassador to give our support to eject Shabya from our soil and capture Aseb to bring justice to the Ethiopian people. We will not forget also Meles Zenawi after the end of the war carrying the slogan, "Aseb is Eritrean" and did a public relation job for Isaias Afeworki in North America. That was the day Meles Zenawi should have been removed.

Meles Zenawi who told the late Paul Henze that Tigray needs a sea outlet, Dr. Yacob quoted accurately, before he took power shamefully was rallying for Aseb as Eritrean and sabotaged the Ethiopian army from taking it over once and for all. We now know that Aseb will not be Ethiopian as long as Meles is in power. No surprise many Eritreans are pro Meles and denounce Isaias Afeworki for not being friendly to him.

As Dr Yacob argues correctly on his book, a country of 90 million people should not be landlocked in a dangerous area. Ethiopia's economic and physical survival depends on Aseb which is Afar and Ethiopian. The theory that we do need port does not hold water for Meles himself who confess to Paul Henze more than two decades ago that Tigray needs a sea outlet. We have not seen any project so far to realize such dream.

Meles Zenawi and his supporters only card remain is to topple Isaias Afeworki and put friendly Eritrean regime that will "lease Aseb" to Ethiopia. There was a rumor in the past that Western countries will pay for such lease on behalf of Ethiopia. To cover up for the land lease scam which is rampant in Ethiopia now I will not be surprised if Meles Zenawi is asking our people to rally in support of "the return of Aseb" like Seyum Mesfin ordered our people for rally in support of the "return of Badme".

I commend Dr. Yacob for writing this informative book for Ethiopians and Eritreans. The talk have already started, we Ethiopians and Eritreans are one people, we will not fight any more war, No more Badme !!! Let us fight for the right of our people back home. It is only free people who can debate, argue and reach settlement that will make all of us winners. Twenty years of tyranny only brought us poverty in our land. Say no to Meles Zenawi and Isaias Afeworki !!!!!

Ethiopia: Missing a “Large Chunk” of Ethiopian Territory?

By ALEMAYEHU G MARIAM

When the going gets tough…

When the going gets tough, the tough go looking for distractions and diversions.
The past few weeks have been tough going for dictator Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia. Secret cables released by Wikileaks provided stunning revelations on Zenawi’s secret world. The U.S. believes Zenawi’s security forces staged a bomb explosion in 2008 and blamed an opposition group for committing terrorism. Zenawi made a thinly-veiled solicitation to the Americans to “remove the Bashir regime” in the Sudan. The Americans knew Zenawi was cooking the economic numbers to show economic development unseen anywhere in the world. They called his claims “mythic economic growth”. Torture is routinely practiced in Zenawi’s prisons; and the list of horrors goes on and on. Famine is spreading throughout Ethiopia and the Horn according to the recent U.S. Senate testimony of one high level American official. The Ethiopian economy is in shambles, according to a secret International Monetary Fund report which Zenawi has requested not be made public. Inflation is no longer galloping; it is flying high in the Ethiopian stratosphere. Bad news for Zenawi all around.

When the going gets tough, Zenawi always finds something to distract the people’s attention and show that he is still in total control. Last week, he paraded out two Swedish journalists and charged them with terrorism. He also arrested dozens of imaginary opponents. To put icing on the cake, he even jailed Debebe Eshetu (first jailed after the 2005 elections), one of the greatest and much-loved Ethiopian stage and screen actors of all time. Nice try but…
What happened to a “large chunk” of Ethiopian territory” in 2008?

Some of my readers may recall that in July 2008 I gave a long speech challenging Zenawi’s factual basis and the legality of the secret giveaway of Ethiopian land to the Sudan. I argued: “Zenawi’s defiant refusal to be transparent and open in making public an 'Agreement' (treaty) that gives away a large chunk of Ethiopian territory to another country is a monumental breach of constitutional duty for which he should be held accountable.”

Wikileaks now provides confirmation to the widely-held belief that Zenawi had secretly handed over Ethiopian land to the Sudan. According to highly placed sources briefing American officials, in a move to deal with “on-going tensions between Ethiopia and Sudan”, Zenawi had turned over land to the Sudan “which has cost the Amhara region a large chunk of territory” and tried to “sweep the issue under the rug.”

This revelation is solid confirmation of the slow and methodical dismemberment of Ethiopia. First, the Port of Assab was given away in the mid-1990s; Ethiopia became a landlocked nation. In 1998, Badme in northern Ethiopia was invaded; and after 80,000 Ethiopians sacrificed their lives and repelled the invaders, Zenawi delivered Badme to the same invaders in international arbitration. In the last several years, Indian, Middle Eastern and other "investors" have been handed free land without even asking for it. Then there is the insidious “ethnic federalism” which has created the equivalent of Bantustans (ethnic homelands) for the Ethiopian people.

What really happened in Western Ethiopia in May, 2008?

On May 11, 2008, Zenawi issued a statement which categorically denied the transfer of any Ethiopian land to the Sudan. That statement accused the “media” and “irresponsible” elements outside the country for creating fear and alarm over something that did not happen. When Sudanese officials publicly announced acquisition of territory from Ethiopia in mid-May, Zenawi’s officials started backpedalling on the initial story. They said only preliminary work on border demarcation had been done, but nothing had been finalized. Within days, they changed the story once more and announced that they were merely “implementing prior agreements” concluded by the imperial/Derg regimes with the Sudan.

As the Ethio-Sudan Border Affairs Committee began to aggressively investigate what was really happening on the ground in the western border areas, Ethiopians victimized by land giveaway began giving interviews to the Voice of America and other international media outlets. They complained bitterly that they had been driven out of their ancestral lands by occupying Sudanese forces. Their farm machinery and tools had been confiscated and scores of Ethiopians had been arrested and detained in Sudanese jails. The victims also reported that they were attacked by helicopter gunships of Zenawi’s regime for defending their homes, farms and towns. At that point, Zenawi had no choice but to “fess” up; and on May 21, Zenawi publicly described his agreement with al-Bashir of the Sudan:

We, Ethiopia and Sudan, have signed an agreement not to displace any single individual from both sides to whom the demarcation benefits…We have given back this land, which was occupied in 1996. This land before 1996 belonged to Sudanese farmers. There is no single individual displaced at the border as it is being reported by some media.
Zenawi insisted on keeping the actual agreement secret, but his public statement provided important clues on the basic terms and nature of the secret agreement. Zenawi’s statement provided solid confirmation of the existence of an actual “Agreement” that has been “signed” either by Zenawi or someone authorized by him. While the detailed terms and conditions of the land giveaway remained secret, Zenawi put on the record the nature of the subject matter in the Agreement which included: 1) the question of non-displacement of persons in the giveaway territories, 2) the preservation of benefits of all persons affected by border demarcation, 3) restoration of land rights to Sudanese farmers on land supposedly occupied illegally by Ethiopian farmers, and 4) cession of lands (“give back of land”) “occupied” by Ethiopia “in 1996” back to the Sudan.

It is important to underscore the fact that “The Agreement” Zenawi “signed” with al-Bashir, by his own description, has nothing to do with the so-called Gwen line (setting the “frontier between Ethiopia and Sudan”) of 1902. It also has nothing to do with any other agreements drafted or concluded by the imperial government prior to 1974, or the Derg between 1975 and 1991 for border demarcation or settlement. Zenawi’s agreement, by his own public statement, deals exclusively with border matters and related issues beginning in 1996, when presumably the alleged occupation of Sudanese land took place under his watch.

Where is the Agreement?

Why has Zenawi kept the actual text of “The Agreement” secret from the public and the “Council of Representatives” in violation of Art. 55 (12) of the Ethiopian Constitution? Zenawi as a “public official” has an affirmative constitutional duty to perform his official responsibilities in an open and transparent manner. This duty is unambiguously mandated under Article 12 of the Ethiopian Constitution which provides, “The activities of government shall be undertaken in a manner which is open and transparent to the public… Any public official or elected representative shall be made accountable for breach of his official duties.” Article 12 applies to ALL “activities of government” and to ALL government officials. It makes no exceptions for secret deals by “prime ministers”. Transparency and openness in government is a mandatory constitutional duty of ALL public officials, not an optional or discretionary one. The refusal to make public an agreement that gives away a large chunk of Ethiopian territory to another country is a monumental breach and evasion of constitutional duty.

There is one question that needs to be answered now that the world knows the truth: Why does Zenawi keep secret and refuse to make public an Agreement that gave a “large chunk” of Ethiopian territory to the Sudan?

Seeye Opens up about EFFORT & control over resources by super-rich Meles and Azeb

Wikileaks: Ethiopia - Seeye Opens up about EFFORT & control over resources by super-rich Meles and Azeb

Upon taking power in 1991, the ruling Tigrayan
People's Liberation Front (TPLF) liquidated non-military
assets held by the movement to found a series of companies
whose profits would be used as venture capital to
rehabilitate the war-torn Tigray region's economy. The
TPLF bestowed a portion of this initial roughly US $100
million to each of the three other component parties in the
ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front
(EPRDF) coalition to establish similar endeavors in each of
their home regions. While companies were initially
established in the names of party loyalists, they were
formally transferred to the Endowment Fund for the
Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) under the "endowment"
provisions within the Ethiopian civil code, which prevented
individuals from withdrawing money from enterprises for
their own gain. Although the Board of Directors of EFFORT
closely monitors the finances and business plans for each
company under its umbrella, EFFORT's books themselves are
not subject to any transparent external review. Throughout
the 1990s, EFFORT commissioned feasibility studies and
provided capital for various commercial ventures throughout
Tigray. In this decade, however, no new EFFORT ventures
have been established despite significant profits, lending
credibility to the popular perception that the ruling party
and its members are drawing on endowment resources to fund
their own interests or for personal gain.

Seeye argued confidently that the business community's
perception that EFFORT's and similar EPRDF parties
endowments' companies receive preferential access to
limited credit and/or foreign exchange stocks, or treatment
on government bids and contracts, customs clearance, and
import/export license is certainly true. He went so far as
to argue that these "party-statals" likely receive
preferences even over the special treatment received by
state-owned enterprises. Seeye argued that, much like
Sebhat Nega's removal from the TPLF Central Committee in
2006, his removal as CEO of EFFORT in late 2008 likely
reflects tensions between Sebhat and Prime Minister Meles'
wife Azeb Mesfin. While former regional Vice President of
Tigray Abadi Zemo has taken over the CEO position at
EFFORT, Seeye argued that Azeb's ascendance to the EFFORT
Vice Chairmanship reflects an increasing consolidation of
influence within the party and control over resources by
Meles and Azeb.

Source

DISMANTLING ETHIOPIA'S POLITICAL SPACE

NOFORN
SIPDIS

NSC FOR SENIOR DIRECTOR FOR AFRICA BOBBY PITTMAN
DEPARTMENT FOR ASSISTANT SECRETARIES FRAZER (AF), KRAMER
(DRL), WITTEN (PRM), AND FORT (INR)
DEPARTMENT ALSO FOR P, D, F, G, S/CRS, AND S/P
USAID FOR ADMINISTRATOR FORE AND ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATORS
ALMQUIST (AFR) AND HESS (DCHA)
OSD FOR DAS WHALEN
DNI FOR NIO/AFRICA CARSON

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/18/2018
TAGS: PREL KDEM PGOV ASEC EAID ET
SUBJECT: DISMANTLING ETHIOPIA'S POLITICAL SPACE

REF: A. ADDIS ABABA 1571 B. ADDIS ABABA 1672

Classified By: Ambassador Donald Yamamoto for reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).

¶1. (S/NF) This is the first in a series of cables outlining
policy options on U.S.-Ethiopia relations in light of recent
restrictions on political and democratic space (Refs. A and
B).

¶2. (S/NF) The ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF) came to power in 1991 under much
fanfare for toppling the brutal communist "Derg" regime,
promising to share power among Ethiopia's strong and diverse
ethnic groups, and pledging political and economic reform.
This hope also led the United States to consider Prime
Minister Meles one of "a new generation" of African leaders.
The EPRDF's refusal to genuinely share power with
independent-minded coalition members such as the Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF) and Ogaden National Liberation Front
(ONLF) in favor of EPRDF-affiliated puppet parties, however,
led these groups to abandon the government in preference for
armed struggle in the early 1990s. Still, the ruling EPRDF
coalition has instituted an appreciable degree of political
reform in Ethiopia since coming to power in 1991. The 2005
pre-election campaign period is the best example of such
openings, with unprecedented live televised debates between
incumbents and contenders, equitable media coverage across
political parties, and unhindered opposition access to
constituencies. Once significant opposition electoral gains
became evident, however, the GoE ceased its experiment with
multi-party democracy and began systematically dismantling
Ethiopia's democratic space. In June and November 2005
Ethiopian security forces used excessive force in firing on
civilian protesters, killing 193 and injuring 763. In
late-2005, security forces detained 30,000-50,000 civilians
without charge, holding them incommunicado in military
controlled camps for nearly three months and arrested 131
senior opposition, civil society, and media leaders on purely
political charges ranging from "outrages against the
constitution," to "treason," to "attempted genocide."

¶3. (S/NF) The precipitous decline in political space has
continued over the past two years. While placating donors by
holding interparty dialogue on contentious issues, the ruling
party effectively rejected recommendations by established
opposition parties. When the lack of serious engagement
forced an opposition walk out, the ruling party leveraged
rubber-stamp endorsements by EPRDF-fabricated opposition
groups to ram through a new National Electoral Board (NEB), a
repressive media law, and a political party financing law
that restricts and denies space to the opposition. In the
past two years the clearly-partisan NEB has rendered suspect
administrative rulings stripping the opposition Coalition for
Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP) and Oromo National Congress
(ONC) labels from their freely elected and recognized leaders
(Addis 145). Ruling party cadres' harassment and
intimidation of opposition candidates in the run-up to the
April local elections precluded them from registering for the
April local elections (Addis 596 and Addis 667).
Additionally, the NEB's bureaucratic delays -- and refusals
-- in approving domestic election observers prevented
credible organizations from observing the elections (Addis
1065). Together these efforts guaranteed an overwhelming
marginalization of any political opposition in the 2008 local
elections. Ultimately, the opposition took only three out of
3.6 million contested seats in April's local elections. In
our assessment, the local elections significantly increased
voter apathy and deep frustration over the chances of
building on the political gains of the 2005 campaign period
and election results.

¶4. (S/NF) Beyond the scope of formal politics, the GoE's
brutal conduct of counter-insurgency operations and harsh
oppression of other ethnic groups betray the minority
regime's desperate attempts to remain internal control at all
costs. And the costs are high. In the Ogaden region,
systematic reports by Human Rights Watch and other credible
groups of summary executions, rapes, forced conscription,
detentions, and beatings by the Ethiopian military against
the civilian population (see 2008 Ethiopia Human Rights
Report) combined with intentional impediments to the delivery
of humanitarian relief supplies (Addis 1284) reveal the GoE
tactics that undermine the local population's confidence in
the government and drive locals to further support
insurgents. Granted that ONLF actions in the Ogaden have
increased violence, we have urged the ENDF and GoE that a
violent response is not the answer. We have passed Gen.
Petraeus' manual on counterinsurgency operations to senior
GoE and ENDF leaders as a framework for dealing with the
ONLF. CJTF-HOA's inability to conduct civil affairs
operations in that region, combined with the close USG-GoE
partnership in the public's mind not only prevents us from
winning hearts and minds -- something in our own national
interest -- but risks allowing the public to conflate the USG
with the actions being conducted by our strategic partner --
further putting U.S. national interests at risk as the local
population begins to view the U.S. as the enemy. While the
tactics are not as extreme or pervasive there, the parallels
in the GoE's strategy of maintaining control in the Oromiya
region have similarly marginalized the country's largest
ethnic group. The perceived USG complacency with these
actions, in the minds of Oromos, is best exemplified by one
Oromo opposition leader's equation of the U.S.-GoE
relationship today with the U.S. relationship with the Shah
of Iran in the 1950s-1970s.

¶5. (S/NF) Mounting efforts to marginalize civil society
represent the latest dynamic in the GoE's strategy of
eliminating dissent -- a process begun in early 2005 when
Ethiopia became the first country in twenty years to expel
the National Democratic Institute (NDI), the International
Republican Institute (IRI), and IFES. Despite acquitting the
civil society leaders detained after the 2005 post-election
turmoil on the sole charge they faced, the Ethiopian court on
that same day imposed a new charge and convicted the two
leaders without the opportunity for a defense. The GoE's
refusal to release the two on parole in stark contrast to
standard practice and under a clear directive from the ruling
party's central committee (Addis 260), only confirmed the
GoE's intolerance for dissent.

¶6. (S/NF) In April, the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington and
the Foreign Ministry began informing USAID-funded NGOs that
the GoE would no longer register USAID implementing partners
in Ethiopia, instead requiring them to operate under more
tenuous Memoranda of Understanding signed with specific GoE
entities. On May 2, the final nail was unveiled as the
Justice Ministry distributed a draft civil society
proclamation -- reportedly developed personally by Prime
Minister Meles and the Justice Minister -- that effectively
bars civil society groups from activities in the democracy,
good governance, human rights, community development,
conflict resolution, justice, and law enforcement sectors,
and establisheQdraconian penalties for civil society
individuals who violate the highly subjective authorities of
a new civil society agency (Addis 1223). Entry,
registration, and operations of technical assistance and
other contractor personnel and commodities are becoming
increasingly problematic with the GoE. A very-poorly
introduced requirement replacing the previous VAT exemption
for foreign assistance implementing partners with a
to-be-established VAT reimbursement scheme and the GoE's
elimination of duty free imports for implementing partners
appears to violate the Ethiopia-U.S. Bilateral Assistance
Agreement (Ref. B). The GoE's recent refusal to register
U.S. implementing partners or accord them bilateral
Agreement-secured privileges is even more problematic.


¶7. (S/NF) Embassy Addis Ababa views this precipitous
narrowing of Ethiopia's political space as undermining
Ethiopia's stability which could affect the entire Horn of
Africa region.

YAMAMOTO
Source

Ethiopia reacts over citizen abused by Gaddafi’s family

September 2, 2011 (ADDIS ABABA) - The Ethiopian government expressed its deep discontent over at the inhumane treatment of Ethiopian staff by the family of Libya’s president-on-the-run, Muammar Gaddafi.
Shweyga Mullah (CNN)
The 30-year-old Ethiopian, Shweyga Mullah, was severely injured after wife of Gaddafi’s son Hannibal poured boiling water on her face for failing to keep a crying child quiet, when working as a nanny.
read more

Book Review: “Assab YeManat: Ye-Ethiopia Ye-Bahr Ber Tiyake,” in Amharic by Abebe Haile

Book Review: “Assab YeManat: Ye-Ethiopia Ye-Bahr Ber Tiyake,” in Amharic. Author: Dr. Yacob Haile-Mariam, Fundscraft Publishing 2011, pp. 245. Reviewed

There have been a continuous flow of articles, commentaries, symposiums, and book chapters on the question of Ethiopia’s right for access to the sea, particularly since the secession of Eritrea in 1993 and the Ethio-Eritrea border war of 1998-2000. However, this is the first book I am aware of that is entirely devoted to the topic. Probably it is the one book that provides irrefutable answers to most of the nagging questions about access to the sea, the so-called Algiers agreement and its aftermath that Ethiopians and their friends have been asking for nearly two decades.

There is no question that the Algiers Agreement that accepted as valid the defunct Italian colonial treaties played a crucial role in deciding the fate of Ethiopia’s access to the sea. And many of us can recall the outcry in Ethiopia, and among Ethiopians throughout the world, during and following the Algiers negotiations. Ethiopians across the world expressed their outrage with protest marches, Internet blogging, diplomatic lobbying; and appeals to the UN, the Ethiopian prime minister, the Ethiopian parliament, international leaders, and anyone who would listen. Of course, all of this public appeal came to naught because the Ethiopian government had already made its decision to give up the entire Red Sea Coast and other territories to Eritrea. This is why the fundamental rights of the citizens of these territories and the question of access to the sea, particularly access to Assab, still remain a burning issue for Ethiopians today.

Many Ethiopians, especially those engaged in business and investment, realize the seriousness of Ethiopia’s landlocked status. According to “Assab YeManat: Ye-Ethiopia YeBahr Ber Tiyake,” it is hard to imagine that Ethiopia is the only major country in the entire world that is so close to the sea, only about 60 kilometers, yet has no access to it. Consequently, ever since the loss of Assab, Ethiopia has fallen at the mercy of tiny Djibouti and has been scrambling for additional outlets through Sudan, Somalia and Kenya, all at great costs to the nation. Quoting a wealth of expert data and using facts and figures the book analyzes the detrimental impact of the loss of access to the sea on the economic, political, diplomatic and security well-being of the country.

I wish the author included more background coverage on the history of the Medri Bahri province and the role the great Ethiopian patriot and hero, Alula Aba Nega, played in defense of Ethiopia’s northern borders. Lest we forget, Ras Alula was a fierce defender of his country’s borders, the founder of Asmara, and the last Bahr Negash until Italian colonialists sneaked in and took over the province in 1890 when he and Emperor Yohannes were away battling the Dervish invaders at Metema. Nevertheless, reading this book it is clear that the author is no stranger to the historical and legal issues involved. Not only has he written and spoken about Ethiopia’s right for access to the sea and the citizenship rights of the people of the Afar Coast over the years but also he draws upon a considerable body of United Nations resolutions, Ethiopian history, and his own international legal experience to write the book.

Thus the author rightly questions the Ethiopian provisional government’s legal standing for rushing to recognize the Eritrean secession and later for accepting the defunct Italian colonial treaties as a basis for settling border disputes. A casualty of the border demarcation commission, he explores the legitimate rights of the citizens of the Afar Red Sea Coast, Badme, Adi Erob, etc… vis-à-vis the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The book also scans Ethiopia’s historic quest for the return of her province of “Eritrea,” critiques the legal ground for the Algiers Agreement, shows the under-handed role the mediators in Algiers played, identifies the composition of the Border Demarcation Commission and argues its illegitimacy, and most importantly details the role the multi-million dollar but weak Ethiopian legal team played at The Hague. Where did the historic Ethiopian borders begin on the Red Sea Coast – from the sea shore or from the islands on the Red Sea? Where did the Italian map makers, in the so-called colonial treaties, place Fort Cardona and Tsorona? Why were the judges perplexed by the responses of the Ethiopian legal team? These are just a few examples from the book where the legal team again and again couldn’t shoot straight. Anyone who read the legal and political competence of the incomparable Aklilu Habte Wold who single-handedly checkmated an army of Italian, Latin and Arab lawyers and diplomats at the UN negotiations in Zewde Reta’s book “Ye-Eritrea Gudai” would understand why Ethiopia this time came limping out of the Algiers and later The Hague negotiations. What is more the author rejects the legal ground on which the Border Demarcation Commission is established and therefore argues that Ethiopia has the right to reject it along with its anti-Ethiopia rulings.

The book quotes public pronouncements across a wide spectrum of the Ethiopian society including youngsters, students, political leaders, journalists, scholars and foreign experts on the subject of Ethiopia’s landlocked status. Commenting on the Algiers agreement and the 1998-2000 border war with Eritrea, the well-known British historian and scholar Christopher Clapham is quoted as saying, “Ethiopia pulled defeat from the jaws of victory.”

Dr.Yacob Haile-Mariam is probably one of the few Ethiopians who can provide a competent historical, legal and political analysis of why Ethiopia became landlocked and what may be done to resolve the stalemate. Fortunately, he doesn’t leave the matter hanging in stalemate, but gives alternative suggestions for Ethiopia and Eritrea to accommodate each other by coming up with a win-win solution.

Apparently, Dr. Yacob considers Ethiopians and Eritreans as kin and therefore are bound together by history, language, culture and geography. This may be a wishful thinking especially as long as Isaias Afewerki and Meles Zenawi are in power. However, one can’t unequivocally say that the two parties would never come together again.

If history is any guide, unity invariably trumps division. East and West Germany, North and South Vietnam were separated by outside interference but finally came together. Others that made it include China and Hong Kong, North and South Yemen, and one may even contemplate where the European Union, or the African Union for that matter, are headed to. For one reason or another it seems that the world is increasingly coming together than going apart. Can we say the same for Ethiopia and Eritrea? The answer is anyone’s guess.

“Assab YeManat: YeEthiopia YeBahr Ber Tiyake” is an excellent history document. What is more it is a book about a critical time and circumstance in our history that not only students of history but everyday Ethiopians will appreciate. Enjoy the reading!