Kebede Haile, Passing History to the Next Generation

“We are all of Ethiopian origin. Whatever hardship and disappointments we faced, life in America holds the brightest possibility of prosperity and freedom.”
-Kebede Haile, Author

There is much to be said about Ethiopians and the journey we take between living in America and returning home to Ethiopia. The journey is often turbulent and can get lonely. Nevertheless, it is a story that has to be told and one man is up for that challenge. Meet Kebede Haile.

Kebede came to the United States during the 1970’s as a student. After graduating from college, he went back to Ethiopia where he worked. He later returned to the U.S. to pursue his studies. As a former columnist for an Atlanta based magazine, Kebede wrote about the lifestyles of Ethiopian-Americans. When the magazine stopped its circulation, he continued working to study about Ethiopians in America. In addition, he traveled to Ethiopia many times to assess the general situations of the country. He also interviewed countless Ethiopian professionals, government officials, and Ethiopian-American returnees. In 2004, his first Amharic book titled ‘Ye Ethiopiyaweian Sidetina Nuro’ (The Migration of Ethiopians) was published. “The purpose of this book was to educate Ethiopians who wish to come to America. As we remember, we all thought that life in America was as easy as Hollywood portrays.” Readers of this book encouraged Kebede to write a similar book in English for the young Ethiopians living in America. “So in 2008, I published the first edition of ‘The Ethiopian Experience in America’ to pass history to the next generation.” In 2009, the revised and updated second edition was published.

In ‘The Ethiopian Experience in America’, Kebede’s intention is to enlighten Ethiopians and others about the lives of Ethiopian-Americans. “Most newcomers encounter so many social problems when they strive to begin new life. This book touches on those problems as well as the life adjustment newcomers have to make. So it is useful not only to Ethiopians, but also to other African refugees and immigrants.” The book reviews a variety of Ethiopian experiences from refugee camp life to permanent resettlement and covers issues that Ethiopians faces today and at the very least evokes others to do more research and pay attention to the immigrant plight and adaptation in America.

While similar books have been written, this one may be the first of its kind, highlighting the reasons why, and when Ethiopians came to live in the U.S. It also presents biographies of successful Ethiopian-Americans and summarizes the postwar lives of those who served in the U.S. Army. “Since the book covers the day-to-day life of Ethiopians from different walks of life, I think readers can get reasonable answers for questions they might have in mind.” The first three parts focuses on the history of Ethiopia, the culture, as well as past and present political situations so that foreign readers would have basic knowledge about Ethiopia. There is also a section ‘Disappearing Language’ which may hit home with the young Ethiopian-American generation. “Ethiopian children born and raised in the U.S. have distanced themselves from the language of their parents. Since parents are powerless to transfer their heritage to their children, they are in the process of losing their identities.” Because of this, Kebede has a high fear that in a few years, Amharic-Ethiopia’s official language-will disappear.

What happens when Ethiopians settle in America, their new home? They discover life in America is far from the Hollywood fairytale they might have envisioned while they were back in Ethiopia. The main challenges they face, according to Kebede, include language proficiency, fear of assimilation and culture clashes. “Those who are well educated, talented and experienced face difficulties of finding jobs in their fields. Because of this, they are forced to work in low-paying jobs.”

Ethiopian-Americans who return to their homeland do so while facing numerous obstacles. “The major problems of returnees are related to the economy, political instability, endless government red tape and high taxes. Other problems include housing, schools for children, lack of medical treatments, and finding jobs in their field.”

While there are many challenges Ethiopians face- as returnees and living in America- we must not lose sight of the big picture. In no other country can one experience the freedom and endless opportunities we are entitled to in America. “We are all of Ethiopian origin. Whatever hardship and disappointments we faced, life in America holds the brightest possibility of prosperity and freedom. After all, what America has done for us is unforgettable.”

‘The Ethiopian Experience in America’ is available on Amazon & directly from the publisher at All Write.

“No Shame” in an Election Sham

By Tibebe Samuel Ferenji

"When many Republicans lose an election, they go back into what they call the private sector. When many Democrats lose an election, they lose power and money. They need to eat, and people will do an awful lot in order to eat."
Former US Congressman

Several Ethiopians have expressed their disappointments in the May 23, 2010, Ethiopian election. Some even have expressed their surprise by the end result; the end result is not surprising and was expected. What is surprising however is the shameless pried exhibited on faces of Mr. Meles Zenawi, Mr. Berket Simon and their supporters. Among other things, the process and the end result of this election proves beyond a shadow of the doubt how vindictive, arrogant, and deceptive the ruling party leadership is. Mr. Meles and his cohort were not only planning for a result of a landslide “Victory” but also to humiliate the opposition leadership. It is with such sickening and snobbish modus operandi that the ruling party relentlessly planned to rig the 2010 election.

As Mr. Bereket tried to tell us, there was no deceptive practice in the polling places. Even if we take this on its face value, that does not mean other methods were not used to rig the election and guarantee a landslide “victory for the ruling party. The notion that the election was fair and free is not only self serving and deceptive, it is not supported by any independent body. As some reports indicated, the EU observes report had found its way to Mr. Meles’ desk and that the leader of the team was summoned by Mr. Meles and chastised. Hence, one can assume that even the final report of the EU is a water down report. Even that does not paint a pretty picture of the ruling party.

Mr. Meles and his spoke person could claim victory for any one who byes it; what is clear and what they have failed to tell us is that they have created a climate of fear in the country the last five years that guaranteed the outcome of the “election”. We are not new for such absurd claims; after all, we had a president in the past who claimed he was elected by the people of Ethiopia despite the fact there were no opposition political parties. In various press releases and statements before the election, Mr. Meles has stated repeatedly that the EPRDF has learned from the 2005 election. What the EPRDF has learned is that when the Ethiopian people believe that they could change the political landscape by giving their true voice, they would vote out the party that has violated their basic human rights, failed to address their economic and social concerns and undermined their efforts and struggle to build democratic institutions.

Taking a serious lesson from this, the EPRDF planned how to curve and silence such voices by creating “A climate of Fear” in the country. This writer knows first hand how the government of Ethiopia muzzle the press even before enacting the so called “press law”. This writer attempt to get a permit to establish a media center in Ethiopia was impeded by the government. When the writer persisted and made it clear that even the EPRDF formulated Constitution gives him a right to establish the media center and publish a newspaper, the government issued him a permit with a clear warning. He was told that he could not publish any political, economical, social, even cultural issues.

Daring the government’s threat, in the first issue of the newspaper, the writer condemned the government’s unconstitutional conduct in curving freedom of the press in the country. More over, in its Editorial, the newspaper requested the unconditional release of CUD leaders who were then in prison. Despite a threat from government officials, the newspaper continued to publish political and economic issues critical of the government. The government even threatened people whose interview was published in this particular newspaper. After the 4th issue was published, the government had it; the officials summoned this writer and told him to shut down his paper. This is the kind of freedom you have in Ethiopia.

As Human Rights Watch information collected from the ground clearly shows, voters were threatened to vote for the ruling party or face an enormous hardship in their lives. There is no question that the vote was a vote for survival because everybody has to eat. The survival was not only for voters but also for the people who held the parliament seats representing the EPRDF. The majority would not have any place in the private sectors should they have lost their seats in fair and free elections. Most of them are people who earned less than 100.00 Birr per month before becoming members of parliament. As members of parliament, they are provided with apartments, other benefits and a salary of more than 1000.00 Birr per month. Their family members are living a life style that they have never dreamed of. More over, there is money coming from those who engage in corrupt practices and need the assistance of members of parliaments for various legislations. This added “benefit” has an enormous incentive for members of parliament and the ruling party to continue to occupy the office they are holding now. Who would not “kill” for such benefits?

Mr. Meles, in one of his statements before the election declared no party that has registered double digit economic growth and that brought stability to a country never lost an election in the world. I choose to differ; no party that perpetrated a crime against humanity, no party whose economic program only benefited 2% of the population and impoverished 98% of its population, no party that has muzzled the free press, no party that killed, imprisoned, and abducted its innocent citizens ever won any where in the world in a free and fair election. And again, no party with such grim record in its pocket ever permitted a free and fair election.

It is unfortunate that like every thing else now days in Ethiopia even an election is “Made in China”. Like China, we have a One Party Dictatorial Rulers. It is clear that the shameful EPRDF leadership had learned its lesson in the 2005 election and made a “Climate of fear” its strategy. Such strategy is a recipe for disaster. The question here is has the opposition learned its lesson and what is it going to do about it? Five years is not a long time. For the next five years the opposition should continue to expose any misdeeds of the ruling party; at the same time, it needs to regroup, strengthen its human and financial resources and build a constituency that is capable of defying such climate of fear perpetrated by the ruling party.
If the opposition is counting on the international community to change the outcome of the election result, it would be a waste of time and resources. The international community has done nothing in the past and allowed such similar abuse to vanish into informational black hole and legitimized the EPRDF. There is a reason why the EPRDF defies the Ethiopian people and the international community. The EPRDF is pampered by its western allies and its leader Mr. Meles Zenawi is treated with a red carpet despite his crime against humanity because the Westerners need an ally in the region; Mr. Meles has positioned himself as a fighter of terrorism and an ally that westerners need. At any cost the Westerners will continue to support Mr. Meles until they see an alternative formidable force.

Henceforth, the opposition must be that alternative force and prepare itself for the task ahead. The Shameful 2010 election Sham should motivate the opposition to build on its strength and take corrective measures to eliminate its weaknesses and build a formidable political force that the people of Ethiopia could rely on. The 2010 election is an election that has clearly shown the naked truth about the EPRDF and even its foreign allies are unable to defend it. That ladies and gentlemen is a victory we should acknowledge.

“If as expected the EPRDF, the ruling party, wins a landslide victory, it is unlikely to be a victory for democracy. Rather, it will be a vindication of the strategy of repression and control.” Human Right Watch

Ethiopia: Government and opposition parties unite in Nile water agreement

Ethiopian opposition parties and government have presented a united front on the new Nile treaty signed between five of the upstream countries and urged Egypt and Sudan to accept the new equitable sharing of the water.
It is unlikely to see such similar positions between the Ethiopian opposition and the ruling party, Ethiopian Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Only as recently as 2008, they had — with the exception of the Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP) — objected the ruling government’s decision to enter Somalia.

But after Bulcha Demeksa, an MP and chairman of Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), praised the government’s role in the latest Nile pact, it is widely understood that the Nile water share issue is a tie that binds the Ethiopian opposition with the ruling government coalition.

The latest water sharing deal would ensure that Ethiopia’s rightful portion of the Nile water is upheld, while guaranteeing that all parties receive a fair share of the Nile’s essential water resource.

Urging all parties to adopt a similar position on the issue, Bulcha said, “We are now in a national election that could bring a possible change of government, or not, however all parties should be in the same position”.


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• All articles related to Conflicts



The MP also advised the EPRDF to deeply appraise the historical and legal backgrounds of the water and stand firm on the issue should the party regain power for the next five years. Bulcha also invited Egypt and Sudan to agree on a mutual share of the river’s resource among all riparian countries.

Haliu Shaule, an Engineer and member of All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) — popular opposition party next to Mederek — also affirmed the ruling government’s achievement in averting the colonial era pact.

“I am not an opposition for the sake of opposing,” Hailu said, "I started my job on the Nile Basin by studying Tana Beles Hydropower Project for 36 years and I know how it can empower the country’s economy”.

Merera Gudina (Phd) chairman of Oromo Peoples Congress and MP lauded the ruling government’s achievement over the new Nile deal, but according to him, this is not the time to be festive, rather he recommended the government to remain firm on the issue.

The agreement signed last week by four of the Nile Basin countries, with Kenya inking its signature this week, could see the creation of a new Nile Basin Commission installed in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

The new agreement, the Nile Basin Co-operative Framework, will replace the 1929 and 1959 accords between Egypt and Britain (on behalf of its colonies) and Egypt and Sudan that allowed the two countries to control 90 per cent of the Nile’s water — 55.5 and 18.5 billion cubic meters of water, — respectively, every year.

Egypt has protested the new pact and began a diplomatic process to stop the financing of key players in East Africa. The northern African country has also expressed its discontentment over a new hydropower dam on the Tana, a source of the Nile, inaugurated by Ethiopia.

Ethiopia produces about 85 per cent of the Nile’s water.

Meanwhile, Ethiopian PM Meles Zenawi, is quoted saying in an interview with Al-Jezeera that Egypt’s approach is out of date. "The way forward is not for Egypt to try and stop the unstoppable. The way forward is to seek a win-win solution through diplomatic efforts," he told Al-Jezeera.
Source

Ethiopia rejects Egypt Nile claims

Zenawi said Egypt's approach to the distribution of the Nile is out of date [Al Jazeera]
Ethiopia's prime minister has rejected a threat by Egypt to prevent the building of dams and other water projects upstream on the Nile river.

Meles Zenawi told Al Jazeera on Wednesday that Egypt will not be able to stop his country from building dams on the river.

His comments came nearly a week after Ethiopia joined Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania in signing a new treaty on the equitable sharing of the Nile, despite strong opposition from Egypt and Sudan who have the major share of the river waters.

The Nile flows through 10 African nations, but the distribution of its waters among each Nile basin country has long been a source of tension in the region.

Historic agreements have given Egypt and Sudan veto power over upstream projects that could affect the flow of water.

But the agreement signed last week by four of the Nile Basin countries marked the creation of a new commission to manage the water.

Kenya, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo are expected to sign within a year.

'Old-fashioned ideas'

Egypt has warned that the agreement lacks legitimacy.

But Zenawi told Al Jazeera's Andrew Simmons that Egypt's approach is out of date.

The Nile River Basin
The source of the Nile, the longest river in the world, is Lake Victoria.

It is comprised of the White and Blue Niles. It stretches from the Kagera river in Burundi to the Mediterranean Sea in Egypt.

Shared by 10 countries - Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda - it runs 6,741km.

The overall population of these countries is over 300 million people. More than 160 million live along the Nile Basin.

"Some people in Egypt have old-fashioned ideas based on the assumption that the Nile water belongs to Egypt, and that Egypt has a right to decide who gets what, and that the upper [Nile basin] countries are unable to use the Nile water because they will be unstable and they will be poor," he said.

"These circumstances have changed and changed forever.

"Ethiopia is not unstable. Ethiopia is still poor, but it is able to cover the necessary resources to build whatever infrastructure and dams it wants on the Nile water."

The upstream countries want to be able to implement irrigation and hydro-power projects in consultation with Egypt and Sudan, but without Egypt being able to exercise the veto power it was given by a 1929 colonial-era treaty with Britain.

Legal action threatened

Egypt, however, has warned that Cairo's water rights are a "red line" and it threatened legal action if a unilateral deal was reached.

But Zenawi dismissed the warning, saying it would not solve the dispute at hand.

"The way forward is not for Egypt to try and stop the unstoppable. The way forward is to seek a win-win solution through diplomatic efforts," he said.

Al Jazeera's Amr El Kahky, reporting from Cairo, said Egyptian government officials said such statements undermine the spirit of co-operation between the Nile Basin Initiative countries.

"A government official told me that Egypt does not oppose the development of these countries," he said.

"But at the end of the day, Egypt does not want to see the flow of the Nile and the water share of the Nile being hindered or reduced."

Water supply fears

The new agreement, the Nile Basin Co-operative Framework, is to replace a 1959 accord between Egypt and Sudan that gave them control of more than 90 per cent of the water flow.

The two countries have expressed fears that their water supply would be severely reduced if the seven other Nile users divert the river with domestic irrigation and hydro-power projects.

The Nile Basin Initiative, which had been spearheading the talks, will now become the Nile Basin Commission and will receive, review and approve or reject projects related to Africa's longest river.

The commission will be based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital, and have representation from all nine Nile Basin countries.

Shame on you Eritrea and Shame on you ISSIAS~

Egyptian economists oppose the Eritrea’s support over Ethiopia on Nile river issue as unscientific, naughtiness and superficial advice that may lead both countries to political crisis.

They said Ethiopia and Egypt have currently smooth political relations and should preserve it through table discussion if they have any differences on the Nile river issue in table discussion in a way that benefits both nations fairly.

The Egyptian economists suggested that no need to go to war to get economic advantage of the Nile River which may lead to political crisis amongst African nations, particularly the horn which have share in the Nile issue.

President Isaias Afwerki, president of Eritrea, is supporting Egypt only to damage Ethiopia and to gain political calculations but has no any scientific foundations, they added.

The Eritrea’s president’s advice to Egypt over the Nile river issue is unscientific and danger since it provokes war to the horn. The Eritrea’s president’s idea to Egypt over the Nile river issue is aimed at inciting conflicts between the two nations, they said.

The Egyptian economists have advised the Cairo government to invest in development projects in upstream nations in order to import food and electric power from countries like Ethiopia instead of threatening war on all east African countries.

They said Egypt has many economic opportunities that it can get from Ethiopia.

The Eritrea’s president support to Egypt over the issue of Nile River is unacceptable by any standard, adding the Egyptian government should not accept it, they added.

source

Well done...Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia – Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said Ethiopia will generate 8,000 to 10,000 MW of power from renewable energy sources in the coming five years.
The premier said government eyes at exporting power to neighboring countries beyond satisfying the ever growing local demand.

The Mega Beles Multi-purpose Hydro-electric Power Project constructed at cost of more than 7.1 billion birr was officially inaugurated on Friday.

On the occasion, Meles said government covered the full cost of the project launched July 2005.

He said the project came in to existence after 100 years overcoming the geo-political complexity of the project.

Drawing lessens from Gilegel Gibe II , the tunnel work of Beles project carried out with much care, the premier said.

PM Meles said government constructed three hydro electric power projects which generate 1200 MW of power as it depicts government firm commitment.

He said government is to launch the construction of Chemo Gayda power generation project along with the ongoing Amertinesh and Gibe II projects as part of the effort to address the ever increased power demand.

The project, which has a capacity to generate 460 Mega Watt and develop 140, 000 hectares of land, is the largest of the power plants so far constructed in the country. It will also raise existing electric power supply by 23 per cent.

Mine and energy Minster Alemayehu Tegenu on his part said the transparent and effective policies and strategies are proven to be instrumental in ensuring sustainable economic growth registered over the last seven years in a row.

The minister said the energy policy of the country has enabled private actors to engage in the sector.

Chief Executive Officer of the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation, Mihiret Debebe on his part said EEPCo is implementing a 25 year Master Plan to address the incresing power demand in the country. He said the activites being carried out within the farmwwork of the plan are paying off.

Mihret said wide range of EEPCo activities over the past ten years have created jobs for thousands of people.

The Beles Mega project is environmentally friendly, feasible and apply state-of- the-art technologies and offer opportunities for technology transfer is a part of the plan , he said.The project will ease power shortage in the country.

It was noted more than 4,000 workers have participated in the construction of the project. Some 3,800 are Ethiopians while the rest are foreigners from 37 countries.

Through there was an intention to construct power projects at Beles since the time of Emperor Menelik the II the previous regimes were unable to realize the project, he noted.

Amhara State Chief Ayalew Gobeze on his part said the project will significantly contribute to advance the agricultural led economic policy of the country.

Salini Construtorii General Manager Marco Balconi on his part said his company has constructed various social facilities for the local people.

He said the company would extend its support for the Ethiopian government’s effort to fulfill the energy demand of the people.

It was noted that the Mega Beles Multi-purpose Hydro-electric Power Project will go fully operational in the coming two months.

The Mega Beles Multi-purpose Hydro-electric Power Project inaugurated Friday with the presence of ministers, senior federal and regional officials, diplomatic corps, representatives of 35 foreign companies and invited guests.

ENA

Ethiopia is above political parties!

The election campaign that the various political parties in Ethiopia are engaged in is drawing to a close as people prepare to go to the polls in a week's time.

The main goal of an election campaign is to demonstrate that one party has a platform superior to others and as such is more beneficial to the national and public interest. In short, the contest is about how political parties can serve the nation's and the public's interest rather than the nation and the public serving their's.

Implicit in this is the notion that it is when the party which the public voted for in the belief that it will serve its interest takes the reins of power that the nation's interest is best served.

If the election process is marred by a row between political parties that results in violence and instability, the nation will suffer instead of benefit from the process. Rather than being a source of joy, pride and democracy, elections will bring sorrow, shame and insecurity.

If the election is to make us proud and earn us respect, it is imperative that there be peace and stability prior to, on the date of and after the election. This requires all political parties to refrain from violence or other destructive acts and do their utmost to ensure that the election process and its outcome are peaceful and democratic.

However, it's not only because political parties desire or instigate violence that it actually occurs. Our enemies in neighboring Eritrea and Somalia, aided and abetted by foreign elements who do not want to see a stable Ethiopia, are intent on using whatever opening they get to mar the election by inciting violence and destabilizing the country.

Political parties need to play a proactive role in ensuring that peace and stability prevail by leading as examples and educating their members and supporters about the value of a peaceful election. But this does not mean that they only have to make sure that neither them nor their members and supporters get entangled in violence. They must also do their part to prevent our enemies from getting an opportunity to wreak havoc on the country. They must not just denounce any act of violence after it happens but work hard to nip any contributing cause in the bud.

The election process should follow a two-pronged approach. On the one hand, efforts have to be made to make the election democratic and fair. These include creating an environment where there is no intimidation or vote-rigging, allowing election executives to do their job impartially, counting votes properly, and addressing any complaint of irregularity fairly and promptly administratively and if need be through the courts.

On the other hand, any and all developments that can potentially lead to violence should be monitored and dealt with appropriately.

Calling for precautions to be taken to prevent violence, however, does not mean that miscarriage of justice should be ignored but that there must be a lawful means to seek redress. It means that any grievance over election irregularities should not result in violence and death.

It means that peace and stability are the essential ingredients of a democratic and fair election.

The ruling party and the government should not invoke the need to maintain peace and stability as a justification to suppress legitimate grievances. On their part, opposition parties must not use allegation of vote fraud as an excuse to incite or perpetrate violence. All sides should agree that any complaint can be addressed without resorting to violence.

In countries where there is a stable democracy, it is customary for the governing and opposition parties to work together on issues that unite them while maintaing differences on those they do not agree on.

We too should try to emulate this approach. It is possible and indeed mandatory that all parties share a common position on defending our sovereignty and national security from an attack by external aggressors and terrorists as well as the fact that the nation's interest is above party interest.

While demonstrating unity on these fundamental issues, it is natural for the parties to have diverging approaches to foreign policy; agriculture and industry policy, health and education policy, freedom of the media, the protection of democratic and human rights. This is the essence of democracy.

Has this political culture taken root here? Sadly, no. Opposing the ruling party leads to consorting with our enemies in Asmara and Mogadishu while opposing opposition parties means linking their viwes and action to the sinister motives of external enemies.

There should be a clear boundary as to what constitutes a proper political struggle. Ethiopians and Ethiopia's political parties must take it upon themselves to engage in a constructive dialogue if they are to reach a broad consensus and enable the parties to strengthen their organizational capacity so that they serve us better.

This responsibility can not be entrusted to political parties alone, however. The public has to play a decisive role in this regard.

It needs to exert considerable pressure with a view to making the upcoming election democratic and fair. Accordingly, it should monitor whether complaints over election irregularities that were lodged in a lawful and peaceful manner were fairly and promptly handled. It must also denounce anyone who endangers the integrity of the mechanisms which one has recourse to express grievance and get justice; it must tell them to desist from their act.

If political parties do their share and are complemented by an active public, the election will not only be democratic and fair but also peaceful. It will make us look forward with eagerness to the 2015 elections and do us proud before the whole world.

The important thing is irrespective of whatever problems may arise, Ethiopia is above political parties!

Source

Swastikas sprayed on Ethiopian's gravestone in Beersheba

Did the Jewish peoples already forgot their history?

Woman's family says hate slogans, including 'Death to niggers,' were written in Russian; vandals not caught

Ilana Curiel Published: 05.09.10, 22:20 / Israel News

Unknown vandals spray-painted swastikas and hate slogans, including "Death to niggers," on the gravestone of a woman of Ethiopian descent in Beersheba.

On Sunday the woman's family filed a police complaint and said the hate slogans on the headstone were written in Russian. Police are focusing the investigation on immigrants from countries that belonged to the former USSR.

It remains unclear when the grave was defaced, but police estimate it occurred sometime over the past few weeks.
Last week, members of the Ethiopian community protested against racial discrimination in the city's Otzar Chaim kindergarten.
The demonstrators claimed the kindergarten has two separate classrooms – one for children of Ethiopian descent, and another for the others.
source

Hearing in the European Parliament, Brussels

Presented by
Dr. Berhanu Nega
Bucknell University

April 26th 2010

Honorable Ana Gomes,
Members of the European Parliament Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me first thank the organizers of this hearing for inviting me to offer my remarks on the current troubling political situation in our region in general and on Ethiopia in particular. My remarks on the lessons of the 2005 elections and the events that follow it as well as the coming sham election in Ethiopia comes from my own intimate participation in 2005 as a member of the CUD leadership and its campaign manager, my role as head of the negotiating team with the ruling party following the election as well as my active engagement with the diplomatic community throughout the election and post election process.
Background

The May 2005 election was a major political milestone in the over three thousand years history of Ethiopia. In 2005, Ethiopians witnessed the fundamentals of a democratic process, yet as they started participating in the process, they found themselves far-off from democracy. Between May 2005 and May 2010, the Ethiopian people have dangled between hope and despair, between power and helplessness and between joy and sorrow. This agonizing emotional rollercoaster has obligated many Ethiopians to re-examine the past and look for alternative ways of solving the seemingly intractable dilemma of their country.

Unlike the previous two elections, the May 15, 2005, elections presented the Ethiopian people with a remarkable opportunity to experience what a multiparty election could look like. This was not because the Meles regime had any sudden democratic epiphany. Far from it. It was because it very seriously miscalculated its own popularity, it overestimated the value of incumbency and the vast resources it put at its disposal. Its sheer arrogance and serious underestimation of the capacity of the opposition to mobilize the population also helped to let its guard down and open the political space a bit, which the opposition parties effectively exploited. The two large parties, Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and the United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF) competed vigorously with the ruling party. Televised debates on a wide range of political, economic and foreign policy issues, and active campaigning by party candidates around the country invigorated the citizenry and raised their hopes that may be, just may be, change through the ballot box was possible.

On May 7, 2005 the opposition held a huge peaceful rally in Addis where an estimated three million people turned up to show their support for the CUD. The peaceful rally ended peacefully witnessing the readiness of Ethiopians for civilized political engagement and multi-party politics. On May 15 twenty six million Ethiopian voters waited in line for as long as 10 hours to cast their vote. Election Day activities were pretty much peaceful. However, as it became apparent that the CUD had won all 23 of Addis Ababa’s parliamentary seats and 137 out of 138 City Council seats, and as the vote count in some rural areas started to show a potential upset, the Prime Minister panicked and ordered the vote counting to stop, outlawed any form of protest and took direct control of the Ethiopian Security Forces. This unconstitutional act convinced the people that the government was trying to manipulate the election outcome; and fear and anxiety pervaded on what was supposed to be a historic election.

A day after the election, the EPRDF claimed victory while votes were still being counted while the opposition expressed its optimism, and it said it was winning in places where the vote counting was completed. The opposition got this confidence from the reports it got from its election observers. I know this because I was the one following the results closely. I was in the CUD office in the wee hours of the morning after the election collecting data from rural constituencies where vote counting was completed the same evening as per the rules of the National Election Board. In fact, the EU exit poll result that was internally circulating within the mission at the time have only confirmed what we have observed on the ground indicating that the combined opposition has actually won the election. As allegations of vote rigging circulated ferociously- ‘respect our vote’ became the battle cry of a deeply traumatized citizenry plunging the country into deep political crisis.

The opposition offered the ruling party numerous peaceful alternatives to get out of the crisis, which the ruling party totally rejected. We even offered the government to accept the results of an obviously stolen election in lieu of an agreement on the future democratization of the country. The only demand of the opposition was to negotiate with the government to take its own constitution seriously and allow the independent existence of key institutions such as the election board, the media, the judiciary and the security forces. The government refused to even discuss these issues. This demands and the government’s rejection did not take place in closed meetings. Representatives of the international community were present and participated in these discussions. At the beginning of October, the CUD passed a resolution to join parliament on conditions that the government undertakes required institutional changes for future democratic elections. Furthermore, there were requests that the government agrees to abide by its own constitution. When parliament convened on October 11, the EPRDF refused to hand over the Addis Ababa city government which it has admitted of losing. The NEB representatives were sitting as unconcerned observers in a meeting when the ruling party declared that it will not hand over the city. On November 1, when the government refused to accept any of the suggested changes, the CUD called for non-violent protests in Addis Ababa. On November 2 and 3 the government security forces deliberately provoked violence across the city and the Ethiopian military killed over 193 unarmed civilians including the 42 people it killed in June. Following the violence, most of the CUD leadership, journalists and many political dissidents in addition to over 50,000 peaceful protestors, were sent to detention centers throughout the country.

All these are familiar stories to participants of this meeting. These are not contested facts. The real issue for our discussions today is what are the lessons from this experience? What does this show us about future political developments in the country? Is 2005 just a one time subversion of a hopeful political process or an indication of a dire political future for the country? To answer this question, we need to briefly look at the measures the government has taken since the suppression of the democracy movement in 2005.

Methods Employed by the Ruling Party to stay in power since 2005

Enacting draconian laws to monopolize power: Between 2008 and 2009 the Ethiopian government enacted three laws that prohibitively limit the role of multi-party politics in Ethiopia. The media law criminalizes the messenger when the message is not in line with the whims of the rulers, the NGO law paralyzes the role of civil societies, and the Anti-terror law puts society at the mercy of the security forces. The later simply criminalizes peaceful dissent outside the purviews of what the executive allows.

Human Rights violations: Since 2005, the government’s violation of human rights has become bolder and egregious. The crimes against humanity it committed against the ethnic Somalis in the Ogaden region and in Southern Somalia, open torture and degrading treatment of political prisoners, brutal murder of political candidates such as Aregawi Gebre-Yohannes, the obscene arrest and subsequent violation of the basic human rights of Bertukan Mideksa (refusing to implement court order to ensure her visitation rights by friends and relatives) for the crime of telling the obvious truth, are also well documented by independent institutions such as HRW.

The Complete capture of state institutions: Whatever doubt that anyone could have about the existence of independent institutions, particularly the judiciary, is now dead. The travesty of the CUD trials (with international observation) and subsequent show trials of Oromo activists, alleged Ginbot 7 members and others have confirmed, without a shadow of a doubt what the opposition has been saying all along. There is really no judiciary worthy of the name in today’s Ethiopia.

Scope for peaceful political participation: It is now an uncontested fact that what determines the scope of political participation is not the law or the constitution. It simply is what Meles and his team decides is acceptable. Political assembly has been made illegal (save for the limited and carefully controlled meetings during the election campaign). No media that the government doesn’t allow or that it doesn’t clearly censor itself is allowed to operate in the country. The openly admitted jamming of the VOA and other media outlets, puts contemporary Ethiopia under Meles, one of a handful totalitarian regimes that openly admits jamming a media outlet.

The establishment of a fear society: Finally, what has clearly emerged in Ethiopia after the 2005 election is a “fear society” that Natan Cheransky uses in his depiction of the former Soviet Union. Getting the 2005 election message that it cannot rule legitimately by getting the consent of citizens, the TPLF/EPRDF has determined that it can only rule by terrorizing the society. The ubiquitous presence of security forces everywhere, the control of the citizenry by ruling party cadres and locally “elected” officials (to the tune of 3.4 million local officials for 80 million people: roughly one for every 12 families) has put Ethiopia in the ugly tradition of fear societies that totalitarian states have been known for.

Again, these are not contested facts. The message that Meles is sending is clear. Election 2005, can never be allowed to be repeated in so far as the TPLF/EPRDF is in power. The “election game” to fool willing participants in the west, who are more interested to assuage their guilt for willingly supporting the dictatorship at the expense of the Ethiopian people, will continue, but real, meaningful election? Don’t even think about it!

Beyond the 2010 Election

In the last forty years, the Ethiopian people’s struggle for freedom and democracy has been frustrated as one dictator replaced another. The Ethiopian people optimistically helped the TPLF when it was fighting one of the most hated regimes in Ethiopian history. Today, after 19 years in power, the TPLF itself is the most hated regime in Ethiopia.

Despite Zenawi’s violence and brutality, Ethiopians gave him the benefit of the doubt for 19 long years. However, the 2005 mass massacre in Addis Ababa, the genocide in Gambela and crimes against humanity in Ogden forced the Ethiopian people to look for alternative strategies to remove Zenawi’s ethnic dictatorship. The possibility of a gradual peaceful change to liberty, is buried with the brutality of 2005. Today, most Ethiopians agree on mixing alternative strategies to bring down Zenawi’s brutal regime; and one of the most preferred strategies is the ‘Multi-faceted’ strategy that mixes peaceful struggle with self-defense and preservation.

The inevitable transition to a ‘Multi-faceted’ strategy is not the preference of the Ethiopian people; it is a choice they were forced to adopt because we Ethiopians are faced with the devil’s alternative. Self-defense as a preferred method of struggle has nothing to do with Ethiopia’s past, it is all about the future. Twenty years of peaceful options such as dialogue and negotiations have achieved nothing except undermining the struggle and extending the collective pain of the nation. There is a strong belief that Meles and his gang will never relinquish power by peaceful means. Had they accepted the peace deal, violence and the causes of violence would have come to an end five years ago. Even more, time is not on the side of those seeking liberty, unity and stability. Every additional time the ethnocentric regime stays in power, it uses it to work hard to dismantle the country and threaten its very existence. This struggle is about saving the country and its people.

The Illusion of Stability

Western nations enigmatically believe that maintaining the status quo and keeping Zenawi in power regardless of the realities on the ground, is the prudent policy to follow. This is what one academic calls the policy of cynical realism. However, this flawed thinking and policy is not only short sighted, but it’s premised on two false assumptions: 1) Zenawi's government is a force for stability; and 2) there is a legal and constitutional framework for a legitimate opposition to operate in Ethiopia. It is hard to believe that Western governments bought into Zenawi’s definition of himself as the savior of the nation and the opposition as weak and divided elements that cannot muster a credible alternative. Hence, they insisted on creating a moral equivalence between a murderous regime and the opposition even as the opposition was being badgered by the full weight of a violent state.

But what should be clear for the financial backers of this regime is that Ethiopia under Meles is not a durable stabilizing force. In fact it is one of the most unstable and potentially explosive countries in an already destabilized Horn of Africa, region. Ethiopia is home for more than 60% of the region’s population and it is also the only country that shares boarder with every country in the Horn of Africa. A closer look at the recent history of the Horn of Africa reveals that Ethiopia was involved directly or indirectly, by its own choice or by others, in almost all of the conflicts that took place in the Horn of Africa. This trend shows us that it’s literally impossible to have peace and stability in the Horn of Africa without first stabilizing Ethiopia.

It is sad that a regime terrorizing its own people is a trusted ally in the fight against terror in the Horn of Africa. It must be acknowledged that fighting terrorism is in Ethiopia’s own national interest no matter which government is in power. Obviously, peace and stability in Ethiopia requires the rule of law and building a democratic order. But, this has been impossible as long as Meles Zenawi’s ethnocentric regime is in power.

I very strongly believe that we Ethiopians are primarily responsible for the affairs of our country. Having observed the operation of the international community very closely over the past few years, I am even more convinced today than ever before, that the solution to our problems can only come from within ourselves. But, I also believe that the problems of the Horn region have international dimensions. Major international players, like the US and the EU, can constructively contribute to the stability of the country and the region if they engage with the region without trading their fundamental values of freedom, justice, and democracy for short term stability, or their own myopic geo-strategic interests. They should know more than any other country that there will never be stability where there is no freedom and justice.

Foreign Aid as the Instrument to Sustain Dictatorship

The International Financial Institutions and donor countries have helped Ethiopia for the last six decades. But, despite absorbing billions and billions of aid fund and food assistance for more than sixty years, Ethiopia is still one of the poorest and one of the worst totalitarian nations in Africa. If foreign aid would lift countries out of poverty without fundamental institutional changes within these countries Ethiopia, should have been way ahead by now.

It is now an accepted wisdom among development economists that democratically accountable countries perform much better in using their resources for the development of their people than dictatorships (e.g. Botswana, Mauritius). Ethiopia, a country that follows a failed communist ideology of revolutionary democracy, has neither democratic institutions nor good economic policy. Internally, the support for Zenawi’s regime has narrowed down to its few trusted ethnic security guards, and the only force keeping the dictator in Addis Ababa afloat is the large sum of financial aid that comes from Western donors. Western financial aid to Ethiopia has been more than $2 billion a year. But this money is largely feeding corruption and even more, going right back out in the form of capital flight. In 2004 capital flight from Ethiopia was $1.8 billion. For that year, it was the sixth highest from Sub Saharan Africa including South Africa. The five countries that have higher capital flight for that year were South Africa, Nigeria, Congo, Sudan and Angola. The other sad story of Western aid to Ethiopia is that, it is used to muffle freedom of speech and freedom of information in Ethiopia.

With a more principled approach from donors, this money could be used to leverage a more peaceful transition to democracy in Ethiopia. We believe that only a credible threat of sanctions by donor nations who currently are supplying the life lines for the otherwise moribund regime can pressure Meles to a meaningful negotiation with all political forces to bring about a peaceful transition. In the absence of that, conflict is inevitable. It is already underway. Only those who have lost all self respect can be asked to accept such brutal tyranny without resistance. And I am certain Ethiopians will not.

Lessons of the Past and Looking Forward

Internally, the increased brutality and violence of Zenawi’s regime has killed the hope of democracy in Ethiopia. Externally, the international community’s [EU, the US] choice of stability over freedom has infuriated the Ethiopian people. As a result, most Ethiopians believe that donor money is emboldening Zenawi’s brutal regime than helping poor Ethiopians. The Ethiopian people want to make sure that Meles Zenawi is the last dictator in Ethiopia; hence, the objective of this generation of Ethiopians is beyond removing the TPLF regime. In fact, building a democratic society is the main objective of Ethiopians. They certainly hope that this is would be the last major political fight they have to fight. With the establishment of a genuine democratic order, they believe they can resolve whatever political differences they have peacefully in a spirit of give and take, as people who share the same destiny.

In the last five years, many international organizations and dignitaries such as the honorable Ana Gomes, Donald Payne, and Russ Feingold have shared the pain of the Ethiopian people and have condemned Zenawi’s regime that caused this pain. We Ethiopians are sincerely thankful to all who were with us during our hard times, and we are particularly indebted to farsighted people like the honorable Ana Gomes who closely witnessed the 2005 election and told the world the true story of the election. Since 2005, the Honorable Ana Gomes has repeatedly told the EU and the world that Zeanwi’s regime is a regime to be dealt with not a regime to deal with. Her genuine empathy with victims of repression is far beyond an intellectual predilection. It is a product of a deeper understanding of the brutality and deception of dictatorships that she experienced in her own country. That is why she wouldn’t fall for the deceptive shinenigans of the Meles regime, like many other policy makers in Europe and the US. Freedom loving Ethiopians all over the world are forever grateful for her and for those who stood for the fundamental values of human liberty

This month the EU made a decision to observe Ethiopia’s highly managed election against the advice of Ana Gomes. Recently, EU’s diplomat in Addis Ababa said: “The elections in Ethiopia will be observed by international standards”, but Ethiopia’s election is already way below the threshold of the international election standards. Its results are already known. What is left is to announce the margin of victory that the ruling party gives itself, to make it palatable to its foreign financiers

Ethiopians are neither interested in being eternal foreign aid receivers nor do they wish to see foreign aid used to perpetuate dictatorship. Freedom is a God given natural property of human beings; therefore, it must not be sweet to some and bitter to others. The freedom journey of the Ethiopian people has started, and it will never stop until the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness are secured to all Ethiopians. We sincerely hope that the west, particularly the EU will seriously reconsider its position of supporting brutal tyranny in Ethiopia in the name of stability. Because, at best, it will only achieve delayed instability, but it is important to also realize that the passage of time will certainly make the instability more intense. For those who believe that gradualism is the only reasonable way foreword, that people have to be patient, the question they must answer to themselves is how long should Ethiopians wait for liberty? How much time is a reasonable time to wait for liberty? Is it morally acceptable to kill change in the name of gradualism? Those who advocate supporting dictatorships in the name of peace and stability, did not seem to heed the advice of the most prominent advocate of peaceful struggle, Martin Luther King. Here is what he said:

This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God’s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood
Martin Luther King, JR

For us Ethiopians, now is the time for our liberty and freedom. And we will not rest till we have it.