Wrong to favor Egypt in water rift

By TOM CAMPBELL / Register Columnist

Egypt's sense of nationhood is tied up in control of the Nile. So is energy self sufficiency for Ethiopia. The clash between these two realities can have deadly consequences. America will be tempted to intervene – on the wrong side.

The issue is a major dam proposed by Ethiopia on the Blue Nile River, the source of over 80 percent of the water that eventually enters the Nile River system. The Blue Nile starts in Lake Tana in Ethiopia, and flows through tall, narrow chasms to the Sudan border. Within Sudan, the Blue Nile meets the White Nile in Khartoum, and from there flows into Egypt.

For many years, all the Nile's water has been divided between Sudan and Egypt; any other country that dared to touch the Nile was met with stern threats from Egypt and its protectors: first England, then America. When Ethiopia sought World Bank financing for this dam more than 20 years ago, the U.S. leaned on the bank to say no. Egypt was at peace with Israel at America's request, and Egypt demanded America's help with the Nile question (and $2 billion a year) in return. The calculus was clear: Ethiopia brought us nothing, Egypt, under Mubarak, brought peace with Israel. So we did Egypt's bidding with the World Bank.

The last several years, however, have brought Ethiopia into a partnership with the U.S. in attacking al-Qaida and similar groups in Somalia. Meantime, Egypt deposed longtime U.S. ally Hosni Mubarak, and we were not enthusiastic about his replacement, Mohamed Morsi. Trying to stir up nationalist sentiment, Morsi focused on Ethiopia's announcement that it would start to divert the Blue Nile so dam construction could begin. He said, "We will defend each drop of Nile water with our blood if necessary," and summoned leaders of the Islamic parties to discuss Egypt's likely responses. Infamously, a leader of one of those parties, not knowing the meeting was being broadcast, said on live television that the "real enemies" were America and Israel. Talk included a military strike.

Morsi is gone. Secretary of State John Kerry has embraced the new military government. The danger is that the U.S., in its effort to prop up the Egyptian military successors to Morsi, will try to give them a victory over the dam issue.

When has the U.S. managed to play the internal politics of another country with any success? It is so much more likely that, if we go down this route, we will alienate our ally in the fight against extremism in Somalia, and do nothing to appease the widely held belief in Egypt, voiced at that televised meeting, that somehow all wrongs are due to America. We'll choose the wrong side – once again.

Why do we need to take sides at all? We can't stop Ethiopia by cutting off its financing: Ethiopia has come up with the funding for this project from the sale of bonds, and loans from China. The dam, once finished, will produce tremendous amounts of electricity that can be sold to neighboring countries to retire the bonds.

And if the new Egyptian regime wants to show it is at least as nationalistic as the deposed Morsi government, and threatens to bomb the dam, will we be proud to be associated with that?

If we do take sides, the dam is the right thing to do for environmental and humanitarian reasons. Ethiopia will become a net energy exporter in a part of the world chronically lacking in electricity. The stored water can alleviate the droughts that occur every seven years, filling world newspapers with horrifying pictures of starvation in Sudan and Ethiopia. Once the reservoir is filled, the flow of the Nile won't be diminished. The time to fill the reservoir can be during the wet seasons, and spread out over many years.

There are many ways for America to signal its support of the new regime in Egypt. Shutting down Ethiopia's dam, or looking the other way while Egypt does so, is not one of them.

Tom Campbell is dean of the School of Law at Chapman University and a former U.S. congressman, serving on the Africa Subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee. These views are his own.


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Woyanne’s Anti-Ethiopianism and the Italo-Ethiopian War

Selam Beyene | July 27th, 2013
The history of Ethiopia is replete with contradictions and paradoxes. There are accounts galore of heroism and meekness, patriotism and treachery, devotion and apathy, and, above all, fear of God and acts of brutality in that ancient country. These chronicles may help provide clues about the root causes of the Woyane anti-Ethiopia schema and the appropriate plan of action needed to deracinate them.

By anti-Ethiopianism we purport the systematic and government-sanctioned weakening of the national fabric by pitting one ethnic group against another, as was witnessed recently in such areas as Benishangul-Gumuz and Gura Ferda zones. Anti-Ethiopianism is the appalling government policy of dislocating natives from their ancestral lands and transferring national wealth to foreigners at dirt cheap prices. It is anti-Ethiopianism to frame a constitution whose central object is to promote the disintegration and land-lockedness of the country. Most importantly, anti-Ethiopianism implies the deviant system of government under which all major economic, political and military institutions are controlled by the minority Woyane group, and through which fundamental human rights are suppressed and the people are denied their basic rights to participate in free and fair elections.

Confucius sagaciously advised: “Study the past if you would define the future.” Accordingly, when we consider the current predicaments of the country, which are characterized by ethnocentrism, totalitarianism, corruption, nepotism and absence of a feeling of Ethiopian patriotism amongst the rulers; and, most importantly, when we search for a viable solution to them, we should go no further for clues and explanations than the recent past events, beginning with the invasion of Italy in 1935-1940.

Much has been documented about the infamous Fascist aggression by notable Ethiopian and Western historians, journalists and novelists, as well as other writers who had taken active parts in the actual war. While well-researched history books and journal articles may serve as the ultimate sources for academic exercise, there is considerable information that may be gleaned from anecdotal accounts narrated by individuals based on their personal experiences. In this regard, we are fortunate to have at our disposal now the writings of three foreigners who had the opportunity to witness firsthand the savagery of the Fascist aggression, the heroism of the Ethiopian fighters, and the betrayal by local collaborators.

The three foreigners, whose paths had crossed several times in the battles of Tembien, Maichew and other fronts, had fought on the side of Ethiopia under the leaderships of such eminent Ethiopians as Ras Kassa Hailu Darge, Ras Seyoum Mengesha and Ras Mulugeta Yiggezu, the War Minister. In so doing, they were able to record considerable historical data and to leave behind intriguing accounts of bravery and treachery that could inform present and future researchers seeking answers to some of the most complex questions about present-day Ethiopia. Most importantly, they provide critical insights into the underlying reasons for the anti-Ethiopian agenda Zenawi and his Woyane entourage successfully exploited to catapult themselves to power; the continued damage to the long-term viability of the country that is caused by the misguided fiscal, economic, educational and military policies implemented by the TPLF-led regime; and the institutionalization of ethnic-based governance that is portentously promoted to nurture inter-ethnic animosity among brothers and sisters who have lived in relative harmony for many centuries.

Recently, the works of two of the foreigners were made accessible to Amharic readers. The first, ቀይ አንበሳ (Alpha, 2003) was translated by Tesfaye M. Bayileyegn from the original narration of Colonel Alejandro del Valle1. The second book, የሃበሻ ጀብዱ (AAU Press, 2010), is a translation by Techane J. Mekonnen based on Adolf Parlesack’s memoir in Czech entitled Habesska Odyssea (Praha : Panorama, 1989). The third, and most controversial, memoir was written by Colonel Feodor Konovalov, a Russian military adviser to Ras Seyoum Mengesha and other leaders. While there is no accessible Amharic translation of Konovalov’s writings, relevant excerpts are available in various sources (see, e.g., Clarke III, 2008 2).

Excepting a few and infrequent inconsistencies among the renditions of the three foreigners about shared events that they had jointly witnessed, there is a remarkable degree of consistency in their accounts of the breathtaking gallantry of Ethiopian fighters, as well as the distressingly heartrending treachery of domestic collaborators, especially from Tigray, Rayya, and Azebo regions, in the early days of the war.

Although Konovalov was generally silent on the contribution of the traitors to the defeat of Ethiopia, he was in remarkable concord with the other two in expressing awe and admiration at the inimitable valor and fearlessness of the Ethiopian army in the face of an infinitely better armed enemy. Quoting a Western diplomat, Konovalov was unhesitant to affirm: “… the Ethiopian soldier, well-taught and well-led, had no equal anywhere in the world.” The memoirs of all three abound with their eyewitness accounts of how, defying all odds against them, waves of primitively armed Ethiopian fighters, composed of men and women from every ethnic group, religious persuasion and social ladder, stormed, time and again, well fortified Italian positions, sending terror and confusion among the enemy. As one reads about the surreal exploits of those brave fighters, the knowledge of belonging to a people of such valiance and heroism fills one’s heart with a sense of immense pride. In one instance, for example, del Valle tells of a story in which the Ethiopians ferociously and unstoppably climbed up a hill to engage the enemy that was assailing them from above with automatic weapons and mustard gas. In summarizing his amazement at the extraordinary scene he was witnessing, he wrote: “The efforts of the invaders to try to stop those brave Ethiopians, who were charging uphill over the bodies of their fallen compatriots, was like firing bullets from machine guns to futilely slow down the gushing of water downhill.”

The foreigners also documented heroic accomplishments of ordinary citizens, whose names never made it to the history books, but who had demonstrated unimaginable bravery on the battlefields. Among such stories eloquently told by Parlesack, none is probably as fascinating as that of a young Oromo boy from the Sellale region by the name of Abichou. Parlesack describes with a Homeric touch the valiance of the boy as he terrorized the Fascist aggressors, chased to their deaths many of the traitors, coordinated a multi-ethnic army from Hamassen, Tigray, Gojjam and Sellale, and scored countless victories against the invading army.

Parlesack and del Valle were also unreserved in their expression of disgust at the degree of betrayal and treachery perpetrated by some members of the Tigray, Rayya and Azebo regions that made the campaigns of the great armies of Ras Seyoum, Ras Kassa and Ras Mulugetta immeasurably arduous. Parlesack even hinted that the balance of power at the battle of Maichew was tipped in favor of the invaders, thanks in great part to the sabotage of the traitors from Rayya and Azebo, who inflicted considerable damage on the advancing Ethiopian army coming from behind at critical moments.

Among the most notorious traitors of the era was Dejazmach Haile Sellasie Gugsa, a great grandson of Emperor Yohannis IV, who gave his allegiance to Benito Mussolini in the early days of the war. This traitor facilitated the invasion of Mekelle in November of 1935, and later joined the invading army that marched on Addis Ababa in April of 1936. Throughout the occupation, he provided invaluable service as a trusted adviser to both Rodolfo Graziani and the Duke of Aosta. Remarkably, his first demonstration of treachery was to raise the Italian flag in Mekelle, desecrating the Ethiopian tri-colors. Over six decades later, another traitor, the late Meles Zenawi, would defile that same flag.

Indeed, in the face of the well-known anti-Ethiopian sentiment unabashedly exhibited by Zenawi, and now aggressively implemented by his successors, it is not beyond the realm of rational proclivity to wonder whether the turncoats of the Italo-Ethiopian war did not influence the imprudent minds of the current traitors.

Much has been disclosed about the dubious family tree of the late dictator and the backgrounds of some of those in the Woyane leadership. Regarding the notorious heritage of Zenawi, Gebremedhin Araya, a one-time TPLF fighter and an accomplished authority on the late dictator’s family history, has given gripping testimonials, in a series of ESAT interviews, how the dictator’s mind might have been poisoned while growing up in a family that had always betrayed the land they lived in. There are also troubling accounts of the backgrounds of most of the Woyane leaders, including the notorious Bereket Simon, Sibhat Negga and several others.

At a time when there is a lot of confusion among some sectors of the Ethiopian community about the true nature of the Woyane regime and its hidden agenda, it is absolutely critical to see the treachery of the rulers through the prism of their treasonous forefathers. This is especially indispensable in any effort to raise the awareness of the people of Tigray in whose name these traitors are causing immeasurable damage. Although there were several traitors who, like Haile Sellasie Gugsa, sided with the enemy and fought against the Ethiopian army, there were also exemplary patriots from the same region who valiantly fought and died in defense of their motherland against Fascist invasion. Similarly, despite the common perception that many Tigreans today are backers of the evil dictatorship, it should be incontrovertibly affirmed that there is a large proportion of Tigreans who abhor the destructive and anti-Ethiopian path followed by the Woyane regime.

The late dictator and his party have always projected themselves as saviors of the people from the tyrannical rule of the Derg. Unfortunately, many genuine Ethiopians have overlooked the fact that the Woyane regime is not only a most vicious authoritarian system, as the Derg was, but also an atrocious organization whose ultimate objective is the destruction of Ethiopia as a nation. In actual fact, no rational government in history has unilaterally advocated the dismemberment of the country it rules, made attempts to justify its isolation through land-lockedness, parceled out precious lands to foreigners at dirt cheap prices, or systematically used ethnicity, famine, illiteracy and disease as instruments to enslave the people it governs, to the extent the Woyane rulers have done so. It is therefore vitally important to effectively establish the anti-Ethiopian identity of the regime, and to reignite the patriotism of those members of the society who have been hoodwinked by the pervasive propaganda campaign that the regime has successfully, but spitefully, launched to portray itself as a better alternative to the brutal Derg dictatorship.

A major weakness of the pro-democracy movement thus far has been its hopeless ineptitude to articulate precisely why the Woyane philosophy is anti-Ethiopian, and how dangerous that philosophy is to the long-term viability of the country. The suppression of basic human rights, the codification of ethnocentrism in the constitution, the irresponsible policy of land grabs, the pitting of one ethnic group against another, and the unfettered corruption among the leaders of the regime have not been effectively communicated to the people as manifestations of this general scheme of anti-Ethiopianism that the Woyane leadership has perfected over the past several decades.

Indubitably, the only realistic strategy that would guarantee the certain destruction of the Woyane regime is one that successfully establishes and communicates to the people of Ethiopia this abhorrent nature of the regime. Without a thorough understanding of the TPLF as a perfidious organization by the people of Ethiopia in general, and those of Tigray in particular, there cannot be a unified front that is a prerequisite for a successful outcome of the struggle to save the country, liberate the oppressed, and establish a democratic system where individual freedoms would flourish and the long-term survival of Ethiopia would be guaranteed. As they have heroically demonstrated to the world before, during and after the Italo-Ethiopian war, there is nothing that unifies and arouses the fighting spirit of the people of Ethiopia more than a sense of direct threat to their heritage and independence either by foreign aggressors or domestic connivers. Pro-democracy forces, Websites, and other groups and individuals, therefore, have the moral imperative to reignite the ardor of the people to defend their country by raising their awareness as to the true nature of the treasonous organization that is Woyane.
_______________
[1]In “Un hombre blanco en el infierno negro por el Coronel Alejandro del Valle” as told to Arturo Alfonso Roselló (Havana: Impreso en los Talleres Tipograficos, 1937)).
[2] Clarke III, JV, “Feodor Konovalov and the Italo-Ethiopian War (Part I), World War II Quarterly, 2008; 5:4-37

The writer may be reached at beyene50@gmail.com

Ethiopia's Fragmented Elites: Origins and Syndromes

By Messay Kebede

One question that regularly and intensely consumes the mind of many Ethiopians is the question of knowing why Ethiopian elites are unable to work together. Especially those opposing the TPLF regime, even though they are well aware that the regime is their common enemy, invariably prove unable to agree on a common political agenda, let alone to act in concert to remove their common foe. Is the failure to act jointly due to irrational forces or is it the outcome of definite causes that are susceptible of a rational explanation? This paper is an attempt to rationally comprehend the failure, with the hope that some such comprehension will have a liberating impact, obvious as it is that the conscious awareness of the forces of division is liable to significantly reduce their grip on the mind of Ethiopian elites.

The first answer that springs to mind to the question why Ethiopian elites are unable to work together is, of course, the lack of unity. But the latter is more of a question than an answer. For, why is there such a deficiency of unity? Why are elites, despite their enduring frustration toward the regime, nay their recurring conviction that the regime is leading the country to chaos, incapable of overcoming their divisions?

The seriousness of the matter forces us to look for causes transcending the immediate preoccupations of Ethiopian elites, the very ones having to do with historical reasons. I submit that the most compelling causes are historical in that the lack of unity is a product of the ideological and political struggles since the dawn of the Ethiopian process of modernization. Let me explain.

Socio-Historical Causes

The appearance of a centralized and oppressive government and its ever-tightening grip over the country as essential ingredients of the Ethiopian process of modernization have entailed a growing rivalry over the control of power and wealth among old and emerging elites. As the progress of modernization modified the Ethiopian social fabric, the rivalry intensified. It reached its peak in the 60s when the conflict between the old nobility and the imperial state on the one hand and the various modern sectors (students, intellectuals, the emerging bourgeoisie, the bureaucratic and military elites, etc.) on the other hand increasingly took a political and ideological form.

Where there is no enough wealth, state power becomes the privileged instrument to exclude competitors. The need to exclude generates, in turn, radical ideologies either in the form of hardened conservatism or extreme revolutionarism. The function of radical ideologies is to justify the political exclusion of opponents. Thus, to the conservatism of the nobility and the imperial state in the 60s and early 70s, students and intellectuals opposed socialism and ethnonationalism. The ideology of socialism allows elites to claim that they are the sole representatives of the working people, thereby depriving other competing elites of the right to represent the overwhelming majority of the people. As to ethnonationalism, it restricts the right to represent a given ethnic group to native elites, and so denies all political legitimacy to non-kin elites. Unsurprisingly, both ideologies justify absolute power as necessary to effect the exclusion.

The characteristics of a state whose function is to exclude rivals are quite different from a democratic state. In the latter, not only conflicts are recognized, but they are also provided with the means of reaching an accommodation based on the verdict of the people. The provision of accommodation prevents the recourse to violence to settle disputes. By contrast, the excluding state rejects all form of accommodation, leaving to opponents no other choice than the overthrow of the state by violent means.

This politics of exclusion foments a culture of confrontation pursuing a zero-sum game. The fact that winners take all, in addition to exasperating the conflicts between elites, inaugurates an endless cycle of violent confrontations during which one group overthrows the ruling elite until it is itself overthrown by another group and so on. The intensification of conflicts undermines the unity of the country and, most of all, weakens the ability of elites to work together by fostering a culture of mutual animosity and mistrust. As a result, the effort to generate a democratic state is repeatedly foiled. Clearly, these characteristics trace an accurate portrait of the Ethiopian state and elites.

The main drawback of a state practicing exclusion is the lack of legitimacy. One group subduing other groups by means of force does not mean that the subdued groups recognize the authority of the state and are willing to obey. On the contrary, the groups are in a state of permanent rebellion and are just waiting for the opportunity to reverse the situation in their favor. However, their expectation makes victims of the lack of legitimacy of the state by nurturing an anarchic idea of entitlement to power. Indeed, where the state lacks legitimacy, many individuals feel entitled to aspire for the ownership of power. This aspiration stands in the way of the effort to create a collaborative spirit among elites by ignite mistrust and rivalry.

A pertinent illustration of fragmentation is the tendency to create parties revolving around individuals rather than being based on ideas and goals. Nothing better confirms the truth of this analysis than the anarchic proliferation of parties in Ethiopia whose number is estimated to be more than eighty. Worse yet, these parties have the tendency to split into smaller parties because disagreements cannot be managed democratically. Given that influential individuals consider political parties as their private possession, they are apt to create a splinter party by walking away with their followers each time internal disputes arise.

Extraverted Psyche

One must not forget that the flourishing of radical ideologies in Ethiopia is a direct consequence of modern education. Insofar as a system of education alien to the country’s history and culture has shaped modern Ethiopian elites, it has greatly facilitated the absorption of imported ideologies. The main outcome of Western education is not only to undermine the inherited common culture, but it is also to inculcate the paradigm of modernity versus tradition. The weakening of the common culture lessens unity while the paradigm of modernity values imitativeness by advocating the rejection of whatever is traditional as uncivilized, backward and by painting Western countries as the model to follow.

This copyism or extraverted psyche is one of the reasons why the modern educated sector of Ethiopian society easily adopted Marxism-Leninism, which was the dominant ideology in the 60s and early 70s. The Marxist-Leninist definition of political struggle as a resolute elimination of rivals, as opposed to the accommodative stand of democracy, became the rule for Ethiopian elites, while ideological radicalization further exasperated their conflicts to the point where they were perceived as irreconcilable. The high point of these antagonistic relationships was none other than the insidious proliferation of ethnonationalism among the educated elites.

The Lack of Galvanizing Ideas

The progressive decline of the fascination with Marxism-Leninism as a result of repeated economic and political failures of socialist countries and the prevalence of liberal democracy constitute an additional reason for the fragmentation of elites. The undeniable power of Marxism-Leninism was that it was a galvanizing ideology in that it identified the interests of elites with the liberation and empowerment of the working masses. The identification provided a nationalist vision investing elites, especially students and intellectuals, with the electrifying mission of becoming the liberators of the masses from oppression and exploitation and of their country from imperialism. Liberalism offers none of the excitements associated with revolutionary goals.

True, liberalism can inspire a fervent defense of freedom that can be as revolutionary as the idea of socialism. But we must see it in the context of Ethiopia, that is, of a mentality not yet emancipated from the totalitarian doctrine of the 60s. Such a mentality could not but amalgamate liberalism with Leninism, the outcome of which is the confusion of liberalism with individualism. The attempt to combine ethnonationalism with liberal principles, as sadly exemplified by the ruling ideology of the TPLF, is the worst form of the confusion.

The amalgam tries to apply liberalism while suppressing freedom in all its manifestations because of the Leninist remnant of politics defined as exclusion of opponents. Together with the caricature of liberalism by those who control power, there spreads among elites the interpretation of liberalism in the direction of selfish individualism. For this distorted liberalism, individuals should not be concerned about other people; their only worry should be their own interests so that all pursuit of grand causes is devalued. Clearly, where egoistic individualism becomes the norm, unity of purpose among elites is difficult to achieve.

In Ethiopia, the unity of purpose has been seriously hindered both by the proliferation of ethnonationalist ideologies and by the inability to find a matching or counter ideology against ethnonationalism. The choice is reduced to being either a supporter, an opponent, or a resigned tolerant of ethnonationalism. The perversion of Ethiopia with ethnonationalist ideologies is a stumbling block to the formation of a common purpose if only because the threat to the integrity of the nation deprives competitors of a common cause. Since elites rejecting the Ethiopian nationhood aspire either to secede or to become dominant, they cannot work together with those who defend the unity of the nation, still less can they accept an all-embracing ideology.

Divide-and-Rule Strategy and the Politics of Fear

Given that the fragmentation of Ethiopian elites along ethnic lines is the work of the TPLF, it follows that the main culprit for the lack of unity is the TPLF regime itself. It is important to note here that the TPLF did not only divide Ethiopia along ethnic states, but it also opted for a terrorist method of government, the essential function of which is the inculcation of fear. Government by fear has a paralyzing effect: though the overwhelming majority of elites is set against the regime, it cannot act in concert to get rid of the regime because of the paralyzing effect of fear. Instead of action, resignation takes the lead with the consequence that the dislike of the regime never transcends the subjective realm of feelings so as to translate into political action.

Be it noted that one of the effects of fear is the propensity to justify the postponement of political action. Indeed, fear provides justification for not acting together by enhancing little differences to the level of a fundamental disagreement. To the question of why opponents do not act together to remove the regime, the ready answer is the absence of agreement. Magnifying minor differences is how fear camouflaged itself into a valid reason for not acting, thereby avoiding the risks and dangers implied in political action. Not only does fear paralyze, but it also inspires fragmentation as a way of deferring political action. It is because dictatorial governments know that elites broken by fear cannot act in concert that they resort to systematic campaigns designed to spread fear.

In default of promoting action, fear encourages wishful thinking. Terror induces hope but in the form of magic or fantasy. Evidence of this is the recurrent predication of an imminent collapse of the regime by many opponents. By underestimating the strength and survival capacity of the regime, they tell us that it is on its last legs, though nothing is being done to turn the hope into reality. This kind of magical faith is another way of avoiding the risks and sacrifices necessary to actually remove the regime. There is some consolation in doing nothing when it is believed that magical forces are bound to intervene in our favor.

Beyond the Humiliated Generation

All the defects hampering rival elites pertain to a generation that has gone through the bitter experience of defeat and humiliation. The dreams of the generation of the 60s and early 70s have been squashed by the victory of the Derg whose dictatorial rule decimated its morale and that of their offspring. Both were offered nothing but the humiliation of a massive exodus. Whether they stayed in the country or left, all experienced another cycle of humiliating events when they witnessed, powerless, the defeat of the Ethiopian army, the invasion of the country by an ethnic army, and the secession of Eritrea. It is hard not to infer from these events a severe damage to Ethiopian nationalism and an erosion of self-confidence such that the generation’s belief in its ability to accomplish great things has received a deadly blow. Without self-confidence, the readiness to unite for a great cause is also likely to suffer gravely.

Defeat and humiliation entail leadership crisis. Just as a defeated army questions the competence of its commanding officers, so too a vanquished generation loses faith in leadership. Once leadership is distrusted, the willingness to unite in an organization is drastically reduced. No less than the need to accomplish great goals, confidence in leaders is a requirement of unity. Without exaggeration, leadership crisis is one of the crucial setbacks of post-revolutionary Ethiopia, all the more so as the Ethiopian culture is prone to the cult of heroes, as witnessed by the fact that its past history shows that the death or the exceptional courage of leaders often determined the fate of wars.

It would be naive to expect from a wounded generation the solutions to Ethiopia’s numerous problems. What was ruined by one generation cannot be fixed by the same generation. True change requires, above all, culture change, which takes time because it is a matter of creativity and growth. In short, real change is a generational issue. The TPLF, secessionist groups, and their opponents are all products of the dominant culture of the 60s. Their collaborations and conflicts show that society follows a determined path until it sees a precipice. The generation that takes the precipice as a precipice, and not as a redress of a vile social order, is the one called upon to change the direction. It sees an impasse in what other characterize as positive or negative developments.

When things go wrong, the culprits and their opponents are the two poles of the same reality. To the extent that the thinking of the one is just the opposite of the other, they are one and the same, as they remain tied to each other by their very contradiction. Thus, as action and reaction, the Derg and the TPLF are one and the same. That is why many of the actions of the TPLF often give us the impression of a déjà vu. That is why also, just as the Derg, the TPLF is unable to solve the problems of Ethiopia.

The generation that is free of the thinking uniting the Derg and the TPLF is alone able to bring real change to Ethiopia. However, the condition of its emancipation grows from the previous opposition, the development of which draws the limit beyond which the precipice lies. Reaching the limit clears the ground for the new, for “where danger is, also grows the saving power,” as says Heidegger. Whether such a generation is in sight is hard to tell. One thing is sure, though: the best that the defeated generation and perhaps their immediate descendant can do is to take a hard critical look at themselves and exchange their ambition to remain makers of history for the much more subdued role of midwife of the coming repaired generation.

Nelson Mandela: Godfather Of Neo-Apartheid South Africa

By Thomas C. Mountain

As Nelson Mandela lays on his death bed his legacy as the godfather of neo-Apartheid South Africa has been firmly established.

Today in South Africa life for many if not most is nearly as precarious and undignified as when Mandela was first inaugurated as President some 20 years ago. So the best way to describe 'modern' South Africa is it is being oppressed by a new form of apartheid.

But wait a minute, didn't Mandela's becoming the first black president of South Africa lead to the restoration of ownership of the land stolen from the African population nearly a hundred years previously by the racist colonial settler Apartheid regime?

No, no real land reform for the masses of land less Africans. But Mandela did make sure that the international mining companies got whatever new land they thought they might need.

And while plenty of the country's staple food, maize(corn), is being grown in South Africa today (South Africa is one of the leading maize exporters in the world) the people of the country still struggle every day to be able to buy enough maize to feed their families.

Speaking of the mining companies, which are the basis of the great wealth of the country, didn't Mandela at one time promise to nationalize them and use their fabulous wealth to benefit the people of South Africa?

Yes he did promise such and no he didn't keep his promise. But he did sweep aside all restrictions on the mine owners relocating their headquarters outside the country the better NOT to pay taxes.

And the promise to provide adequate drinking water to ALL the people of South Africa? No, that promise wasn't kept either, though under his governments leadership Mandela did allow the mining companies to continue to poison the underground water aquifers in many parts of the country.

Didn't Mandela promise to provide free universal public education to his people? The answer to this question might best be found by asking the miners who went on strike last year in part because they could not afford the school fees for their children.

Isn't life for South Africa's people more prosperous, don't they have more money in their pocket and a better standard of living? According to President Zuma, South Africa's per capita GDP is 40% more today than 20 years ago when the original Apartheid system was ended.

But the cost of living in the past 20 years has outstripped wage increases resulting in an actual lowering of living standards for the masses of people.

But what about life expectancy and health in general in the country, aren't South Africans living longer than ever before? No again, life expectancy under Mandela and friends suffered a steep drop from which it has yet to recover, thanks in part to the failure of Mandela and his cronies failing to take the HIV/AIDS pandemic seriously.

And today the HIV clinics in South Africa stand empty of much needed medicines due to the the ANC government cutting funding for such.

Once upon a time the liberation ballad sung by the ANC headed by Mandela included the refrain 'One Settler, One Bullet'. Today some suspect the toasts made in the board rooms of the multinationals plundering South Africa are begun by declaring 'One Miner, One

Bullet' as the South Africa police at the behest of both the ANC and mine owners have begun, once again, to open fire on striking miners.

So life is little better for most South Africans and the whites still own the land and mines. Food, water, education and drugs to fight HIV are all in short supply or completely lacking but one thing not lacking at all is corruption, lots and lots of corruption throughout the ANC lead government.

It seems that ALL the top leaders in the ANC, no matter the faction, stand accused of corruption, of lining their own pockets at the expense of the people and the well worn path of such runs directly to Mandela's front door as well, though no journalist or their editors has yet had the courage to open it and let the truth be known to the world.

Twenty years ago Nelson Mandela was the Father of what became the neo-Apartheid system in South Africa and today, while laying on his death bed he has truly earned the title of Godfather of Neo-Apartheid, for what else can you call what is officially the most unequal system of social equality in the world today, modern, 'Post Apartheid' South Africa.

Editor's Note:
Thomas C. Mountain is the most widely distributed independent journalist in Africa, living and reporting from Eritrea since 2006. He can be reached at thomascmountain_at_yahoo_dot_com

ዶር ብርሃኑ ነጋና አዉራምባ ታይምስ

ግርማ ካሳ ግርማ ካሳ ግርማ ካሳ ግርማ ካሳ    (muziky68@yahoo.com)

ጁን 23 2013 
ከዶር ብርሃኑ ጋር አንድ ወቅት፣ የቅንጅት አመራር አባል የነበሩ ጊዜ በጣም ወዳጆች ነበርን። ላለፉት አምስት አመታት ግን ተራራቅን። አለመስማማት በመካከላችን ተፈጠረ። እርሳቸው አንድ መንገድ ያዙ። የጦርነት መንገድ ! ከማይመቹን ቡድኖች ጋር ማበር ጀመሩ። በተለያዩ ጊዜያት የሚመሩት ድርጅት የሚያራምዳቸውን ፖሊሲዎችን መንቀፍ ጀመርን። የፖለቲካ ልዩነት ባህል ብዙ  ያልገባቸው የርሳቸው ደጋፊዎች ተነሱብን። «ግንቦት ሰባትን ለምን ትናገራላችሁ? » በሚል ወያኔ ተባልን። 
ከጅምሩ ቅንጅቱን በይፋ ሳይለቁ ፣ የቅንጅት አመራር የነበሩ ጊዜ  ነበር ዶር ብርሃኑ ስለ ጠመንጃ ትግል ማዉራት የጀመሩት። የቅንጅት ድጋፍ ድርጅቶች የሰላማዊ ትግሉን የሚደግፉ እንደመሆናቸው፣ በድጋፍ ድርጅቶች ስብሰባ ላይ ስለጠመንጃ መወራቱ አላስደሰታቸውም። ዶር ብርሃኑን ማስተናገድ አቆሙ። የዚህን ጊዜ ግንቦት ሰባት የተሰኝ ድርጅት አቋቋሙ። ይኸው በግንቦት ሰባት ዉስጥ መንቀሳቀስ ከጀመሩ አምስት አመት ሆናቸው። 
በአጭር ጊዜ ዉስጥ ከፍተኛ የሕዝብ ድጋፍ አገኙ። «አገር ቤት የሚደረገዉ ትግል ዋጋ የለዉም። የሰላማዊ ትግል ኢትዮጵያ ዉስጥ አደርጋለሁ ማለት ቅዠት ነዉ» እያሉ አገር ቤት ያሉ ታጋዮች የሚያገኙትን ድጋፍ ለማራቆት ከፍተኛ ዘመቻ አደረጉ። አገር ቤት የነበሩ እንደ አዉራምባ ታይምስ ያሉ ጋዜጦችም፣ አገር በት ያሉ እንደ አንድነት ፓርቲ የመሳሰሉትን ወደ ጎን እየገፉ፣  በስፋት እርሳቸው የሚመሩትን ድርጅት፣ የግንቦት ሰባትን እንቅስቃሴ መዘገብ ጀመሩ። ከአቶ አንዳርጋቸውና ጽጌና ከእርሳቸው ጋር የተደረገ ሰፊ ቃለ ምልልስ በዚህ ጋዜጣ ላይ ወጥቶ አነበብን። የእናት አገር ፍቅር ሰርተፊኬት እየተሰጠ ብዙዎች አምስት መቶ ፣ አምስት መቶ ዶላሮች አዋጡ። ብዙ ገንዘብ ተሰበሰበ። እኛ በመርህ ላይ ተመርኩዘን ተቃዉሟችንን ቀጠልን። «ትግሉ ያለው አገር ቤት ነው። ከዉጭ ሆኖ ዘራፍ ማለት ዉጤት የማያመጣ ፖለቲካ ነዉ። ዳግመኛ ኢሕአፓ መሆን ነዉ» ብለን ተከራከርን። ብዙ ተሰሚነት አላገኘንም።  
አንድ አመት አለፈ። ሁለት ተባለ። ምንም ነገር የለም። «በአጭር ጊዜ ዉስጥ ወያኔን አፍንጫዉን ብለን እናስወግደዋለን፤ እኛ በሩን ማንኳኳት ሳይሆን ሰብረን ነዉ የምንገባው ..» በሚል የተሰጡን ተስፋዎች ተስፋ ብቻ ሆነዉ ቀሩ። ድንገት ሳናስበው የግንቦት ሰባቱ ዋና ጸሃፊ፣  ቲራቮሎ አስመራ አይሮፕላን ጣቢያ ኮቴያቸው አረፈ። ግንቦት ሰባት፣ እንደ ኦነግ፣ ኦብነግ የመሳሰሉቱ፣  ከሻእቢያ ጋር ተወዳጀ። የአፍሪካ ኪም ኢል ሱንግ ከተባለው፣  በአስመራ ያሉ ወገኖቻችን እያረደ ካለዉ፣ እብድና በሽተኛ ሰው ጋር ግንቦት ሰባቶች ተቃቀፉ። የፖለቲካ ክስረት ይሉታል ይሄ ነው ! 
ሻእቢያ ዉስጥ ዉስጡን ከወያኔ/ኢሕአዴግ ጋር እንደሚገናኝ ይታማል። በምንም አይነት ጠንካራ ኢትዮጵያዊ ኃይል እንዲኖር አይፈልግም። ኦነግ፣ የአርበኞች ግንባር… ለሃያ  አመታት አስመራ ተክለው አንድ ቀበሌ ማስለቀቅ አለመቻላቸው አንዱ ምክንያት፣ ወያኔ/ኢሕአዴግ ጠንካራ ስለሆነ ሳይሆን፣  ሻእቢያ የተቃዋሚ ግንባሮች ትንሽ ጠንከር ሲሉ ስለሚመታቸው  መሆኑ በግልጽ የታወቀ ነዉ። ( ሻእቢያ፣ አስቀድሞ ለወያኔ/ኢሕአዴግ ነግሮ፣  ከሶት ሺሆች በላይ የኦነግ ወታደሮችን በሱዳን በኩል በማስገባት፣ አንድ በአንድ በጥይት እንዲለቀሙ ማድረጉን አንድ የደምቢ ዶሎ ልጅ በምሬት ነግሮኛል።)    
ይሄንን አሳዛኝ ወታደራዊ እዉነታ እየተናገርን፣ የግንቦት ሰባት አመራሮች ከሻእቢያ ጋር ያላቸውን ግንኙነት እንዲበጥሱ ጥሪ ማቅረቡን ቀጠልን። በተለይም እነ ጄነራል ከማል ገልቺ የቁም እስረኛ መሆናቸውን ኢ በተለይም እነ ጄነራል ከማል ገልቺ የቁም እስረኛ መሆናቸውን ኢ በተለይም እነ ጄነራል ከማል ገልቺ የቁም እስረኛ መሆናቸውን ኢ በተለይም እነ ጄነራል ከማል ገልቺ የቁም እስረኛ መሆናቸውን ኢትዮጵያ ሪቪው ትትዮዮጵጵያያ  ሪሪቪቪውው ትዮጵያ ሪቪው    ከዘገባ ከከዘዘገገባባ  ከዘገባ በኋላ፣ ግንቦ በኋላ፣ ግንቦ በኋላ፣ ግንቦ በኋላ፣ ግንቦት ስባት ከአምስት አመታት በኋላ አንዳች ዉ ትት  ስስባባትት  ከከአአምምስስትት  አአመመታታትት  በበኋኋላላ  አአንንዳዳችች  ዉዉ ት ስባት ከአምስት አመታት በኋላ አንዳች ዉጤት ያላመጣበትን ፣ የሌለ ጤት ያላመጣበትን ፣ የሌለ ጤት ያላመጣበትን ፣ የሌለ ጤት ያላመጣበትን ፣ የሌለና የዉሸት ና የዉሸት ና የዉሸት ና የዉሸት    የጠመንጃ ትግል የየጠጠመመንንጃጃ  ትትግግልል  የጠመንጃ ትግል የሚለዉን ትቶ፣  ከ የየሚሚለለዉዉንን  ትትቶቶ፣፣    ከከ የሚለዉን ትቶ፣  ከአስመራ ጥገኝነት ተላቆ፣ ከብሄራዊ የሽግ አአስስመመራራ  ጥጥገገኝኝነነትት  ተተላላቆቆ፣፣  ከከብብሄሄራራዊዊ  የየሽሽግግ አስመራ ጥገኝነት ተላቆ፣ ከብሄራዊ የሽግግር ም ግግርር  ምም ግር ምክር ቤት፣ በቅርብ ከተቋቋመዉ ከኦሮሞ ክክርር  ቤቤትት፣፣  በበቅቅርርብብ  ከከተተቋቋቋቋመመዉዉ  ከከኦኦሮሮሞሞ  ክር ቤት፣ በቅርብ ከተቋቋመዉ ከኦሮሞ ዴሞክራሲአይዊ ግንባር ዴሞክራሲአይዊ ግንባር ዴሞክራሲአይዊ ግንባር ዴሞክራሲአይዊ ግንባር፣ ከሸንጎ፣  እንዲሁም በአቶ ኦባንግ ፣፣  ከከሸሸንንጎጎ፣፣    እእንንዲዲሁሁምም  በበአአቶቶ  ኦኦባባንንግግ  ፣ ከሸንጎ፣  እንዲሁም በአቶ ኦባንግ ከሚመራዉ የኢትዮጵያ ሶሊዳሪቲ ንቅናቄ ጋር በመሆን፣ ከከሚሚመመራራዉዉ  የየኢኢትትዮዮጵጵያያ  ሶሶሊሊዳዳሪሪቲቲ  ንንቅቅናናቄቄ  ጋጋርር  በበመመሆሆንን፣፣  ከሚመራዉ የኢትዮጵያ ሶሊዳሪቲ ንቅናቄ ጋር በመሆን፣ የተደራጀ፣ የየተተደደራራጀጀ፣፣  የተደራጀ፣ ዉጤት የሚያመጣ የዲፕሎማሲ ሥራ የሚሰራ፣ አገር ቤት ያለዉን ትግ ዉዉጤጤትት  የየሚሚያያመመጣጣ  የየዲዲፕፕሎሎማማሲሲ  ሥሥራራ  የየሚሚሰሰራራ፣፣  አአገገርር  ቤቤትት  ያያለለዉዉንን  ትትግግ ዉጤት የሚያመጣ የዲፕሎማሲ ሥራ የሚሰራ፣ አገር ቤት ያለዉን ትግል የሚደግፍ፣  አንድ ትልቅ ልል  የየሚሚደደግግፍፍ፣፣    አአንንድድ  ትትልልቅቅ  ል የሚደግፍ፣  አንድ ትልቅ የኢትዮጵያዉያን የተባበረ ኃይል እንዲመሰርቱ፣ በዚያም ትልቅ ሚና ሊጫወቱ እንደሚችሉ በመገልጽ የኢትዮጵያዉያን የተባበረ ኃይል እንዲመሰርቱ፣ በዚያም ትልቅ ሚና ሊጫወቱ እንደሚችሉ በመገልጽ የኢትዮጵያዉያን የተባበረ ኃይል እንዲመሰርቱ፣ በዚያም ትልቅ ሚና ሊጫወቱ እንደሚችሉ በመገልጽ የኢትዮጵያዉያን የተባበረ ኃይል እንዲመሰርቱ፣ በዚያም ትልቅ ሚና ሊጫወቱ እንደሚችሉ በመገልጽ    ዉስጥ ዉስጡን ዉዉስስጥጥ  ዉዉስስጡጡንን  ዉስጥ ዉስጡን ትልቅ ግፊት አደረግን። ትልቅ ግፊት አደረግን። ትልቅ ግፊት አደረግን። ትልቅ ግፊት አደረግን።« «« «እባካችሁ የሌለ ጀብደኝነት እያወራችሁ አገር ቤት ያሉትን ሰላማዊ ታጋዮች እንዲያጠቃ እእባባካካችችሁሁ  የየሌሌለለ  ጀጀብብደደኝኝነነትት  እእያያወወራራችችሁሁ  አአገገርር  ቤቤትት  ያያሉሉትትንን  ሰሰላላማማዊዊ  ታታጋጋዮዮችች  እእንንዲዲያያጠጠቃቃ  እባካችሁ የሌለ ጀብደኝነት እያወራችሁ አገር ቤት ያሉትን ሰላማዊ ታጋዮች እንዲያጠቃ ለአገዛዙ ለለአአገገዛዛዙዙ ለአገዛዙም ምም ም    ሰበብ አትስጡ» እያልን ጮህን። ሰበብ አትስጡ» እያልን ጮህን። ሰበብ አትስጡ» እያልን ጮህን። ሰበብ አትስጡ» እያልን ጮህን።        የኢሳቱ ጋዜጠኛ ሲሳይ አጌና ዶር ብርሃኑን ቃለ መጠይቅ ባደረገ ጊዜ «አምስት አመታት ሙሉ ምን ተሰራ? ለምን እርስዎ ጫካ አልሄዱም ? ..»የሚሉ መሰረታዊ ጥያቄዎች አቀረበ። ዶክተሩ መልስ የላቸውም። አራያና ቆቦ፣ የማይገናኙና የማያሳምኑ አረፍተ ነገሮችን ወረወሩ። ኢሳት የግንቦት ሰባት ጥገኛ አለመሆኑንም በዚህ አጋጣሚ አሳየ። 
በአምስተኛዉ የግንቦት ሰባት ጠቅላላ ጉባኤ፣ ዉስጥ ዉስጡን ፤ላደረግናቸው ግፊቶች አዎንታዊ መልስ ስንጠብቅ፣  የሚያሳዝን ዜና እንደገና ሰማን። በጉባያቸው ምንም ዉጤት እንዳላመጡ ቢያምኑም፣ ላለፉት አምስት አመታት ሲያራምዱት የነበረዉን ግን ለመቀየር አልተዘጋጁም። የድርጅቱ የሕዝብ ግንኙነት ክፍል ሃላፊዉ አቶ ኤፍሬም ማዴቦ እንደገና በይፋ ከሻእቢያ ጋር ያላቸውን ትብብር አረጋገጡ። 
በዚህ ሳምንት ደግሞ አንድ አስገራሚ ኦዲዮ አደመጥን። ግንቦት ሰባት ከግብጽ ግማሽ ሚሊዮን ዶላር እንደተረዳ አዉራምባ ታይምስ ዘገበ። አዉራምባ ታይምስ ያቀረበው ዘገባ የፈጠራ ዘገባ አይደለም። አንድ ጋዜጠኛ እዉነትን ሲዘግብ ሊመሰገን እንጂ ሊወቀስ አይገባም። ለቀረበው ሪፖርት የሰለጠነ መልስ ከመስጠት ይልቅ ግን፣ ዶር ብርሃኑ የአዉራምባ ታይምስን  ኤዲተር በበረከት ስም የተላከ ወያኔ እንደሆነ በመግልጽ መክሰስን መረጡ።  
አቶ ዳዊት ከርሳቸው ጋር በቃሊት የታሰረ ነዉ። አቶ ዳዊት የድርጅታቸውን እንቅስቃሴ በአገር ቤት ዉስጥ ሆኖ ሲዘግብ የነበረ ነዉ። ያኔ አቶ በረከት ነበር እንዴ ፣ የርሳቸውን ቃለ መጠይቅ አዉራምባ ታይምስ እንዲያወጣ ትእዛዝ ሲሰጥ የነበረዉ ? የምንፈልገዉ ሲጽፍ ወዳጅ፣ የማንወደዉን ሲጽፍ ጠላት አድርጎ ማየቱስ ተገቢ ነዉን?  
ከጅምሩ በግለሰብ ደረጃ ሳይሆን በሚያራምዱት ፖለቲካ ከግንቦት ሰባት ጋር  ያሉኝን ልዩነቶች ገልዣለሁ። የአዉራምባ ታይምስ ኤዲተር አቶ ዳዊት «ለግንቦት ሰባት ትልቅ ድጋፍ እየሰጠ፣ በወቅቱ ያኔ በወ/ት ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ ይመራ በነበረዉ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ላይ ጠንካራ ትችቶች  ይሰነዝራል» የሚል ቅሬታ ነበረኝ። ከዚህም የተነሳ እንደ አንድነት ደጋፊ ቅሬታዬን አሳዉቂያለሁ። እንደምሳሌ በተለያዩ ጊዜ ከተጻፉ ብዙ ኢሜሎች መካከል፣ ከአራት አመታት በፊት ለአዉራምባ ታይምስ ከጻፍኩት ቀንጥቤ የሚከተለዉን አቅርቢያልሁ።  
አዉራምባ ታይምስ በአንድነት ፓርቲ ላይ ጠንካራ ትችት ሲያቀርብ፣ ደጋፊዎችም ሆነ የአንድነት አመራር አባላት፣ ባንስማማም፣ አቶ ዳዊትን ፣ «ወያኔ፣ ካድሬ፣ የበረከት ተላላኪ» እያልን ወደ ስድብና ተራ የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ አልሄድንም።  
አቶ ዳዊት ከበደ ጋዜጠኛ ነዉ። እንደ ማንም ባለሞያ ስህተቶች ሊሰራ ይችላል። በሰለጠነ መልኩ ስህተቶች ማረም ሲቻል ፣ ለሚነሱ ጥያቄዎች መልስ መስጠት ካለመፈለግ የተነሳ ፣ አንገብጋቢ ጉዳዮችን ወደ ጎን ጥሎ ግለሰቦችን ማጥቃት ግን የስድሳዎች እንጂ በ2005 ሊኖር የሚገባዉ የሰለጠነ ፖለቲካ አይደለም። 
ዶር ብርሃኑ በኦዲዮ የተሰማዉን የተናገሩት ከግንቦት ሰባት አባላት ነዉ። ለነ በረከት ስምኦን አይደለም የተናገሩት። ይህ ኦዲዮ የተገኘው ከበረከት ስምኦን ሳይሆን ከግንቦት ሰባት አመራር አባላት ነዉ። ከግንቦት ሰባት ዉስጥ ነዉ። አዉራምብ ታይምስ፣ ከግንቦት ሰባት አባላት ከራሳቸው የደረሰዉንና ይፋ ያደረገዉ ኦዲዮ፣  ዶር ብርሃኑ ግማሽ ሚሊዮን ዶላር ከአንድ ካልተጠቀሰ አገር እንደተቀበሉ በግልጽ ያሳያል። ከሌሎች ሶስት ጓዶቻቸው ጋር ወደዚያ አገር ይሄዳሉ። በዚያ ያሉ ባለስልጣናትን ያነጋግራሉ። 
ሻእቢያ ከራሱ አውጥቶ ዶላር እንደማይሰጥ፣ ዶር ብርሃኑም አስመራ እንዳልበረሩ የሚታወቅ ነዉ። ስለዚህ «የት አገር ነዉ የሄዱት?» ለሚለው ቀጥተኛ መረጃ የለም። አዉራምባ ታይምስ ግብጽ እንደሆነ ይናገራል። ይሄን የአዉራምባ ታይምስ ዘገባ ግን «ዉሸት ነዉ» በማለት ዶር ብርሃኑ ለማስተባበል ፍቃደኛ አልሆኑም። ይሄም ገንዘቡ ከግብጽ ለመገኘቱ አንድ ሰርከምስታንሻል ማስረጃ ተደርጎ ሊወሰድ ይችላል። 
እንግዲህ እዉነታው ይሄ ነዉ። ጥያቄዉና ትኩረቱ መሆን ያለበት አዉራምባ ታይምስ ላይ፣ የበረከት ስምኦን ማንነት ላይ ሳይሆን፣ የተነሳዉ ጉዳይ ላይ ነዉ። ጥያቄውና ጉዳዩ የኢትዮጵያ ጥቅምን የሚነካ ጉዳይ ነዉ።
 የአንድነት ፓርቲ ፣ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ እንዲሁም መድረክ  ከአንድ ኢትዮጵያዊ ድርጅት የሚጠበቅ መግለጫዎች በማውጣት፣ ኢትዮጵያ የአባይ ወንዝን የመጠቀም ሙሉ መብት እንዳላት በማረጋገጥ፣ ለግብጽ ፖለቲከኞች፣ የሚያኮራ ኢትዮጵያዊ መልስ ሰጥተዋል። «እነርሱ (ግብጾች) ከአባታቸው አይበልጡም፤ እኛም ከአባቶቻችን አናንስም» በማለት ነበር እንደዉም ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ በተዘዋዋሪ መንገድ የጉራን እና የጉንደትን ድል በማዉሳት ለግብጽ የፀብ ጫሪነት ፕሮፖጋንዳ ምላሽ የሰጠዉ። 
ለኢትዮጵያ ጥቅም ቆመናል ከሚሉ ድርጅቶ እነ ሰማያዊ የሰጡት አይነት ምላሽ ይጠበቃል እንጂ «አባይን ለማፍረስ የተቃዋሚ ድርጅቶች በመርዳት በኢትዮጵያ ቀውስ እንፍጠር» እያሉ ከዛቱ ግብጾች እርዳታ መቀበል አይጠበቅም።  ትልቅ ታሪካዊ  ስህተት ነዉ እየተሰራ ያለዉ። 
አሁንም ለግንቦት ሰባት አመራሮች ወንድማዊ ምክሬን እለግሳለሁ። ዶር ብርሃኑ በኮንግረስ የሰጡትን አስተያየት ብዙዎቻችን አድንቀናል። በቅንጅት ጊዜ የምናውቃቸው ዶር ብርሃኑን አስታወሰን። ይህ አይነቱን የሰለጠነ፣ ሰዎችን በማሳመንና በማግባባት ላይ የተመረኮዘ የሰላም ትግል ማድረጉ ነበር የሚበጃቸው። ከሻእቢያ ቀሚስ ስር መተኛት አዋርዶ ያጠፋቸዋል። ከግብጾች ጋር መስራት ከሕዝብ ጋር ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ያቆራርጣቸዋል። አስቸኳይ የአቋም ለዉጥ እንዲያደርጉ፣ ከሻእቢያ ጋር ግንኙነታቸውን እንዲበጥሱ፣ ከግብጽ የወሰዱትን ገንዘብ እንዲመልሱ፣ አገር ቤት የሚደረገዉን ትግል እንዲደግፉ፣ ከሽግግር ምክር ቤት፣ ከሶሊዳሪቲ ንቅናቄ፣ ከኦሮሞ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ግንባርና ከሸንጎ ጋር ሆነው  አንድ በጋራ፣ በአንድ ድምጽ የሚናገር የዲፕሎማሲ ኮሚቴ እንዲያቋቁሞ ጥሪ አቀርባለሁ።  
አልሰማም ካሉ፣ ለኢትዮጵያና ለሕዝቧ የሚበጀዉን እርምጃ ለመዉሰድ ከተቆጠቡ፣ የግብጽና የሻእቢያ ጀሌዎች ከሆኑ፣ እንደነ በረከት ስሞን ግትርነትን ከመረጡ፣ በማንኛዉ መስክና ቀዳዳ የምንታገላቸው መሆኑን መገንዘብ ይኖርባቸዋል። እናከብራቸዋለን። ከዚህ በፊት ለከፈሉት መስዋእትነት ምስጋና እናቀርባለን። ነገር ግን ከሁሉም በላይ የአገራችንን ጥቅም እናስቀድማለን።  
እንደለመዱት፣ ምክራችንን ከመስማት፣ በዳዊት ከበደ ላይ የሚያደርጉት አይነት «ግርማ ካሳ ወያኔ ነዉ» የሚል ክስ ሊጀምሩ ይችላሉ። ያን ቢያደርጉ አልደነቅም። አንዳንድ ድህረ ገጾችም አስተያየታችንን ላያስተናግዱ ይችላሉ።  ነገር ግን እኛን መስደብና ማውገዝ፣ ድህረ ገጾች እንዲያግዱንም በነርሱ ላይ ግፊት ማድረግ፣  የተነሳዉን አንገብጋቢ ጉዳይ አያጠፋዉም። እርግጠኛ ነኝ ኢትዮጵያዉያን፣ በተለይም ኢንፎርሜሽን በሽ በሽ በሆነበት ዘመን ሁሉንም በትክክል እንደሚገነዘቡ። 
በመጨረሻ ኢሳትን በተመለከተ አንድ ነገር ጣል አድርጌ ላቁም። ከዚህ በፊት በኢሳት ላይ ብዙ ጠንካራ ተቃዉሞዎችን አሰምተናል። ኢሳት ማሻሻያዎች እንዲያደርግ ግፊት አድርገናል። «የአገር ቤቱ ትግል ለምን በስፋት አይዘገብም ? » እያለን  ከሰናል።  
ላለፉት ጥቂት ወራት ግን ነገሮች ተቀይረዉ፣  ለሰላማዊ ትግሉ ትልቅ ትኩረት ኢሳት ሰጥቶ ፣ በአገር ቤት ዘጋቢዎች አሰማርቶ፣ ለሕዝቡ ትልቅ አገልግሎት እየሰጠ ነዉ። ይሄንን አደንቀናል። እንደግፋለንም። በዚህ አበራታች አሰራር ከቀጠለም ኢሳት ለትግሉ አሁን ከሚያደርገዉ የበለጠ ትልቅ ሚና ሊጫወት ይችላል ብዬ አምናለሁ። ኢሳት የኢትዮጵያዉያን እንጂ የሌላ ሊሆን ስለማይገባዉም፣ ኢትዮጵያዉያን ልንደግፈውና ልንከባከበዉ ይገባል ባይ ነኝ። 
ዶር ብርሃኑ ነጋ ፣ ከግብጽ ከተቀበሉት ግማሽ ሚሊዮን ፣ 200 ሺህ ዶላር ለኢሳት እንደተመደበ  ይናገራሉ። በዚህ ጉዳይ ላይ ከኢሳት ማብራሪያ ጠይቂያለሁ። የተሰጠኝ መልስ በጣም አርክቶኛል። ኢሳት ከኢትዮጵያዉያን እና ኢኢሳሳትት  ከከኢኢትትዮዮጵጵያያዉዉያያንን  እእናና  ኢሳት ከኢትዮጵያዉያን እና ከዴሞክራቲክ የምእራባዉያን አገሮች ብቻ እርዳታ እንደሚቀበል፣ እዉነትን ለመዘገብ፣ በተቻለዉ መጠን የኢዲቶሪያል ከከዴዴሞሞክክራራቲቲክክ  የየምምእእራራባባዉዉያያንን  አአገገሮሮችች  ብብቻቻ  እእርርዳዳታታ  እእንንደደሚሚቀቀበበልል፣፣  እእዉዉነነትትንን  ለለመመዘዘገገብብ፣፣ በተቻለዉ መጠን የኢዲቶሪያል  በተቻለዉ መጠን የኢዲቶሪያል ከዴሞክራቲክ የምእራባዉያን አገሮች ብቻ እርዳታ እንደሚቀበል፣ እዉነትን ለመዘገብ፣ በተቻለዉ መጠን የኢዲቶሪያል ፖሊሲ ፖሊሲ ፖሊሲ ፖሊሲዉን ዉዉንን  ዉን     በጠበቀ መልኩ እንደሚሰ በጠበቀ መልኩ እንደሚሰ በጠበቀ መልኩ እንደሚሰ በጠበቀ መልኩ እንደሚሰራ ራራ ራ፣ ፣፣ ፣    ስህተቶች ካሉ ከአድማጮች ስስህህተተቶቶችች  ካካሉሉ  ከከአአድድማማጮጮችች  ስህተቶች ካሉ ከአድማጮች የማሻሻያና የወቀሳ አስተያየቶችን የየማማሻሻሻሻያያናና  የየወወቀቀሳሳ  አአስስተተያያየየቶቶችችንን  የማሻሻያና የወቀሳ አስተያየቶችን እንደሚያስተናግድ፣ እእንንደደሚሚያያስስተተናናግግድድ፣፣  እንደሚያስተናግድ፣ የ የየ የማንም ድርጅት አገልጋይ እንዳለሆነ ነዉ የተገለጸልኝ ማንም ድርጅት አገልጋይ እንዳለሆነ ነዉ የተገለጸልኝ ማንም ድርጅት አገልጋይ እንዳለሆነ ነዉ የተገለጸልኝ ማንም ድርጅት አገልጋይ እንዳለሆነ ነዉ የተገለጸልኝ። ።።  ። በመሆኑም ዶር ብርሃኑ «ለኢሳት በበመመሆሆኑኑምም  ዶዶርር  ብብርርሃሃኑኑ  ««ለለኢኢሳሳትት  በመሆኑም ዶር ብርሃኑ «ለኢሳት ተመድቧል» ያሉት ገንዘብ፣ ተተመመድድቧቧልል»»  ያያሉሉትት  ገገንንዘዘብብ፣፣  ተመድቧል» ያሉት ገንዘብ፣ እርሳቸው ማብራሪያ ይስጡበት እእርርሳሳቸቸውው  ማማብብራራሪሪያያ  ይይስስጡጡበበትት  እርሳቸው ማብራሪያ ይስጡበት እንጂ ከኢሳት ጋር ግንኙነት የለዉም። በተሰጠኝ መልስ እእንንጂጂ  ከከኢኢሳሳትት  ጋጋርር  ግግንንኙኙነነትት  የየለለዉዉምም።።  በበተተሰሰጠጠኝኝ  መመልልስስ  እንጂ ከኢሳት ጋር ግንኙነት የለዉም። በተሰጠኝ መልስ መሰረት፣  ኢሳት ከግብጽም ሆነ ከሻ መመሰሰረረትት፣፣    ኢኢሳሳትት  ከከግግብብጽጽምም  ሆሆነነ  ከከሻሻ መሰረት፣  ኢሳት ከግብጽም ሆነ ከሻእ እእ እቢያ ዱዲ አልተቀበለም። አራት ነጥብ። ቢያ ዱዲ አልተቀበለም። አራት ነጥብ። ቢያ ዱዲ አልተቀበለም። አራት ነጥብ። ቢያ ዱዲ አልተቀበለም። አራት ነጥብ።

Ethiopia: Educorruption and the Miseducation of Ethiopian Youth

OPINION

BY ALEMAYEHU G. MARIAM, 19 JUNE 2013

Photo: African Union

Children at the African Union.

The rulers in Ethiopia continue to use higher educational institutions not as places of learning, inquiry and research but as diploma mills for a new breed of party hacks and zombie ideologues doomed to blind and unquestioning servility

"Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world," said Nelson Mandela. For the late Meles Zenawi and his apostles (the Melesistas) in Ethiopia, the reverse is true: Ignorance is the most powerful weapon you can use to prevent change and cling to power. They have long adopted the motto of George Orwell's Oceania: "Ignorance is Strength". Indeed, ignorance is a powerful weapon to manipulate, emasculate and subjugate the masses. Keep 'em ignorant and impoverished and they won't give you any trouble.

For the Melesistas education is indoctrination. They feed the youth a propaganda diet rich in misinformation, disinformation, distortions, misguided opinions, worn out slogans and sterile dogmas from a bygone era. Long ago, Dr. Carter G. Woodson, "Father of African-American History", warned against such indoctrination and miseducation of the oppressed:

"When you control a man's thinking you do not have to worry about his actions. You do not have to tell him not to stand here or go yonder. He will find his proper place and will stay in it. You do not need to send him to the back door. He will go without being told. In fact, if there is no back door, he will cut one for his special benefit. His education makes it necessary."

The rulers in Ethiopia continue to use higher educational institutions not as places of learning, inquiry and research but as diploma mills for a new breed of party hacks and zombie ideologues doomed to blind and unquestioning servility. "Zombie go... zombie stop... zombie turn... zombie think... ," sang the great African musician Fela Kuti. I'd say, "zombie teach... zombie learn... zombie read... zombie dumb... zombie dumber."

For over two decades, Meles and his gang have tried to keep Ethiopians in a state of blissful ignorance where the people are forced at gunpoint to speak no evil, see no evil and hear no evil. Meles and his posse have spent a king's ransom to jam international radio and satellite transmissions to prevent the free flow of information to the people. They have blocked internet access to alternative and critical sources of information and views. According to a 2012 report of Freedom House, the highly respected nongovernmental research and advocacy organization established in 1941, "Ethiopia has one of the lowest rates of internet and mobile telephone penetration on the continent. Despite low access, the government maintains a strict system of controls and is the only country in Sub-Saharan Africa to implement nationwide internet filtering." They have shuttered independent newspapers, jailed reporters, editors and bloggers and exiled dozens of journalists in a futile attempt to conceal their horrific crimes against humanity and vampiric corruption. They have succeeded in transforming Ethiopia from the "Land of 13 Months of Sunshine" to the "Land of Perpetual Darkness".

But my commentary here is not about the Benighted Kingdom of Ethiopia where ignoramuses are kings, queens, princes and princesses. I am concerned about the systemic and rampant corruption in Ethiopia's "education sector". The most destructive and pernicious form of corruption occurs in education. Educorruption steals the future of youth. It permanently cripples them intellectually by denying them opportunities to acquire knowledge and transform their lives and take control of the destiny of their nation. As Malcom X perceptively observed, "Without education, you are not going anywhere in this world." Could Ethiopia's youth go anywhere in this world trapped and chained deep in the belly of a corrupt educational system?

I will admit that in the hundreds of weekly commentaries I have written over the last half dozen or so years, I have not given education in Ethiopia the critical attention it deserved. I have no excuse for not engaging the issue more intensely. In my own defense, I can only say that when an entire generation of Ethiopian scholars, academics, professors and learned elites stands silent as a bronze statute witnessing the tyranny of ignorance in action, the burden on the few who try to become the voices of the voiceless on every issue is enormous.

I have previously commented on the lack of academic freedom in Ethiopian higher education and the politicization of education in Ethiopia. In my February 2008 commentary "Tyranny in the Academy", I called attention to the lack of academic freedom at Mekelle Law School. I defended Abigail Salisbury who was a visiting professor at that law school when she was summarily fired by Meles after she published an academic commentary on her experiences at that law school:

"... I was absolutely shocked, then, when I started reading my students' work. Out of the hundred third-year students I teach, probably forty of them had inserted a special section, right after the cover page, warning me of what might happen to them were their paper to leave my hands. A number of students wrote that they would never give their real opinions to an Ethiopian professor because they fear being turned in to the government and punished. Others begged me to take their work back to America with me so that people would know what was going on... "

In my September 2010 commentary, "Indoctri-Nation", I criticized the Meles regime for politicizing education. The "Ministry of Education" (reminds one of Orwell's "Ministry of Truth" (Ignorance)) at the time had issued a "directive" effectively outlawing distance learning (education programs that are not delivered in the traditional university classroom or campus) throughout the country. The regime had also sought to corner the disciplines of law and teaching for state-controlled universities, creating a monopoly and pipeline for the training of party hacks to swarm the teaching and legal professions. I demonstrated that "directive" was in flagrant violation and in willful disregard of the procedural safeguards of the Higher Education Proclamation No. 650/2009. It did not faze them. (It was time to mint a new legal maxim: "The ignorant are entitled to ignore their own law and invoke ignorance of their own law as a defense.")

The "directive" was at odds with the recommendations of the World Bank (which has been assisting the regime in improving education administration and delivery of services) for increased emphasis on the creation of a network of "tertiary educational" institutions (e.g. distance learning centers, private colleges, vocational training services, etc.,) to help support the "production of the higher-order capacity" necessary for Ethiopia's development. In its 2003 sector study "Higher Education Development for Ethiopia", the World Bank had recommended "a near term goal [of] doubl[ing] the share of private enrollments from the current 21% to 40% by 2010." By 2010, the Meles regime had decided to reduce private tertiary institutions, particularly the burgeoning distance learning sector, to zero!

In my October 2010 commentary, "Ethiopia: Education Unbanned!", I was pleasantly surprised but unconvinced by the Meles regime's apparent change of strategy to abandon its decision to impose a blanket ban on distance learning and reach a negotiated resolution of instructional quality issues with distance learning providers. I pointed out a few lessons Meles and his crew could learn from the bureaucratic fiasco. (Is it really possible for the closed- and narrow-minded to learn?)

I focus on educational corruption in Ethiopia in this commentary for four reasons: 1) I was appalled by the corruption findings in the recent World Bank 448-page report "Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia". That report, with bureaucratic delicacy and hesitancy, demonstrates the cancer of corruption which afflicts the Ethiopian body politic has metastasized into the educational sector putting the nation's youth at grave risk. 2) There is widespread acknowledgement that education in Ethiopia at all levels is in a pitiful condition. For instance, a 2010 Newsweek "study of health, education, economy, and politics" showed Ethiopia with a population of 88 million had a literacy rate of 43.3 percent, and ranked 98 out of 100 countries on education. 3) Few Ethiopian educators and scholars are examining the issue of educational corruption and its implications for the future of the country and its youth. Hopefully, this commentary could spur some of them to investigate corruption in education (and other areas) and conduct related policy research and analysis. 4) I had promised in my first weekly commentary of 2013 to pay special attention to youth issues in Ethiopia during the year. Nothing is more important to Ethiopia's youth than education. Youth without education are youth without a future and without hope. Youth without education are emblematic of a nation in despair.

WORLD BANK FINDINGS ON CORRUPTION IN THE ETHIOPIAN EDUCATION SECTOR

The WB report on the education sector alludes to an Ethiopian proverb in assessing the culture of corruption and impunity: "Sishom Yalbela Sishar Ykochewal" -- roughly translates into English as follows: "One who does not exploit to the full his position when he is promoted will lament when he no longer has the opportunity."

Ethiopia's education sector has become a haven and a refuge for prebendalist (where those affiliated with the ruling regime feel entitled to receive a share of the loot) party hacks and a bottomless barrel of patronage. The Meles regime has used jobs, procurement and other opportunities in the education sector to reward and sustain loyalty in its support base. They have been handing out teaching jobs to their supporters like candy and procurement opportunities to their cronies like cake. "In Ethiopia's decentralized yet authoritarian system, considerable powers exist among senior officials at the federal, regional, and woreda levels. Of particular relevance to this study is the discretion exercised by politically appointed officials at the woreda level, directly affecting the management of teachers."

In "mapping corruption in the education sector in Ethiopia", "the World Bank report cautions that "corruption in education can be multifaceted, ranging from large distortions in resource allocation and significant procurement-related fraud to smaller amounts garnered through daily opportunities for petty corruption and non-transparent financial management." Corruption in the education sector is quadri-dimensional "affecting the selection of teachers for training, recruitment, skills upgrading, or promotion; falsification of documents to obtain qualifications, jobs, or promotions and fraud and related bribery in examinations and conflict of interest in procurement."

The "selection of candidates for technical training colleges (TTCs)" is the fountainhead of educational corruption in Ethiopia. According to the WB report, "students do not generally choose to become teachers but are centrally selected from a pool of those who have failed to achieve high grades." In other words, the regime's policy is to populate the teaching profession with, for lack of a better word, the "dumber" students. Such students also make the most servile party hacks. But it is a spectacular revelation that the future of Ethiopia's youth -- the future of Ethiopia itself -- is in the hands of "those who have failed to achieve high grades". Ignorant teachers and ignorant students= Ignorance is strength. Could a greater crime be committed against Ethiopia's youth and Ethiopia?

To add insult to injury, the selection of underachieving students to pursue teacher training institutes is itself infected by "bribery, favoritism and nepotism." The most flagrant corrupt practices include "manipulation of the points system for selection of students to higher education." The "allocate[on] of higher percentage points for results from transcripts and national exams than for entrance exams" has "enabled a large number of inadequately qualified students to join the affected institutes, sometimes with forged transcripts. This practice has affected the quality of students gaining entry to higher education and eroded the quality of the training program." In other words, even among underachievers seeking to become teachers, it is the washouts, the duds and flops that are likely to become teachers!

Fraud and related corrupt practices in matriculation are commonplace. According to the WB report, there is

"a significant risk of corruption in examinations... The types of fraudulent practices in examinations include forged admission cards enable students to pay other students to sit exams for them, collusion allowing both individual and group cheating in examinations, assistance from invigilators (exam monitors) and school and local officials (during exams), higher-level interference [in which] regional officials overturned the disqualification of cheaters, fraudulent overscoring of examination papers [by] teachers are bribed by parents and students, fraudulent certification of transcripts and certificates to help students graduate."

Although there are public officials who have considered reporting corrupt practices, they have refrained from doing so because there was "a strong sense that there is no protection to guard against possible reprisals directed at those who report malpractice." There is no place for whistle blowers in Ethiopia's edu-corruptocracy.

Recruitment and management of teachers is a separate universe of corrupt practices. "In Ethiopia, the overwhelming bulk of expenditure in education is taken up by salaries of teachers" and there is a "high risk of bribery, extortion, favouritism, or nepotism in selecting teachers for promotion, upgrading, or grants." The WB report found "nepotism and favouritism in recruitment were broad and frequent--namely that, in some woredas, the recruitment of teachers (and other community-based workers) is based on political affiliation, including paid-up membership of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)."

What is shocking is not only the culture of corruption in education but also the culture of impunity -- the belief that there are no consequences for practicing corruption. The WB report shows not only the "prevalence of fraud and falsification of teaching qualifications and other documents, reflecting weak controls, poor-quality documents (that are easily falsified), [but also] the widespread belief that such a practice would not be detected... For such falsification to go unnoticed, there is a related risk of the officials supporting or approving the application being implicated in the corrupt practice."

The types of corrupt practices that occur at the management level are stunning. Managers manipulate access to "program of enhancing teacher qualifications through in-service training during holiday periods by using their positions to influence the selection of candidates. Hidden relationships are used in teacher upgrading, with officials at the zonal or woreda level taking the first option on upgradation programs." The appointment of local education officials is not "competitive" but "politically assigned". Collusion between local managers and teachers over noncompliance with curriculum, academic calendar, and similar practices is a relatively common practice and "reduces the provision of educational services." This situation is made worse by "teacher absenteeism [which] is tolerated by head teachers, within the context of staff perceiving a need to supplement their income through private tutoring or other forms of income generation." Poorly paid teachers supplement their incomes by "private tutoring [which] is widespread, with 40 percent of school officials reporting it as a practice." Corruption also extends to "teachers paying bribes or kickbacks to management, mostly school directors, to allocate shorter work hours in schools so that they can use the freed-up time to earn fees as teachers in private schools." The payola is hierarchically distributed: "Bribes received are likely to be shared first with superiors, then with a political party, and then with colleagues, in that order."

Falsification of documents including forged transcripts and certificates occurs on an "industrial" scale and is "most prevalent in the provision of certification for completing the primary or secondary school cycles" and in generating bogus "documents in support of applications for promotion".

Procurement (official purchases of goods and services from private sources) is the low hanging fruit. "In the education sector, a number of public actors maybe involved [in procurement], depending on the size and type of the task. These include national and local government politicians and managers." Some people have a lock on the procurement system. Successful "tendering companies" are likely to have "family or other connections with officials responsible for procurement". Procurement corruption also takes the forms of "uncompetitive practices" "including the formation of a cartel, obstruction of potential new entrants to the market, or other forms of uncompetitive practices that may or may not include a conspiratorial role on the part of those responsible for procurement." Other procurement related corruption includes "favoritism, nepotism, or bribery in the short-listing of consultants or contractors or the provision of tender information." There are some "favored contractors and consultants" who have a "dominant market position" and are "awarded contracts for which they were not eligible to bid." Corruption also occurs in the form of defective construction, substandard materials and overclaims of quantities.

Construction quality issues are considered a significant problem in the construction of educational facilities, particularly in the case of small, remote facilities where high standards of construction supervision can be difficult to achieve. For example, a toilet block in a school collapsed a month after completion. The contractor responsible for building the facility was not required to make the work good or repay the amount paid, nor was the contractor sanctioned. The matter was not investigated. Such problems are a significant indicator of corrupt practices, particularly when the contractor is not ultimately held to account for its failures...

There is corruption in the "purchase of substandard or defective supplies or equipment. For this to go unchallenged by those responsible for procurement strongly suggests either a lack of capacity, corrupt practices, or both." According to an example cited in the WB report, "a large fleet of buses purchased by the MOE ["Ministry of Education"] using Teacher Development Program funds and distributed to TTCs were found to be defective. The TTCs complained that the MOE had dumped the buses on them. The MOE subsequently sent auditors to determine whether the complaint was genuine."

The amazing fact is that the regime reflexively decided to investigate those who filed the complaint, and not the reported crooks. They automatically assumed the technical training colleges were lying and sent their auditors to investigate them for possible false reporting of defective buses!! (Orwelliana: The criminals are the victims and the victims are the criminals.) There is evidence of theft and resale of school supplies or equipment. "One such indication relates to the alleged illegal sale of education facilities, with related allegations of nepotism. A city education office is alleged to have sold valuable heritage buildings in a secondary school to a private developer and then to have requested land to rebuild the school facilities."

CHANGING THE CULTURE OF CORRUPTION AND IMPUNITY

The culture of corruption and impunity in Ethiopia must be changed. The WB report observes,

"In Ethiopia, the pattern of perception suggests that outright bribery is perceived to be more corrupt than, for example, favouritism or the falsification of documentation. There is also a sense that some practices, such as expressing gratitude to a client through the giving of a small gift, are normal business practice and not necessarily corrupt. Finally, there is an underlying acceptance among many that the state has the right to intervene in the market if that is considered to be in the national interest, and there is little sense that such interventions could be at variance with ongoing efforts to promote the level playing field needed for effective privatization of service provision, including in the education sector."

It is unlikely that a corrupt regime has the will, capacity or interest to change its own modus operandi. As I have argued elsewhere, having the "Federal Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission" (FEAC) investigate the architects and beneficiaries of corruption in Ethiopia is like having Tweedle Dee investigate Tweedle Dum. It is an exercise in futility and an absurdity. FEAC is a toothless, clawless and feckless make-believe do-nothing bureaucratic shell incapable of investigating corruption in its own offices let alone systemic corruption in the country.

Pressures for accountability and transparency could come from domestic civil society institutions, but as the WB report points out, a 2009 "civil societies law" has decimated such institutions. The only practical and effective mechanism for accountability and transparency in the education sector is the institutionalization of an independent and energetic teachers' union. But the regime has destroyed the real teachers' union. According to the WB report,

Teachers in Ethiopia have historically been represented by the Ethiopian Teachers' Association (ETA), founded in 1949. Following a long legal battle, a 2008 court ruling took away the right of the ETA to its name and all of its assets, creating a different organization with an identical name. Most teachers are now members of this replacement organization, for which dues are deducted from teachers' salaries. The original ETA, now reorganized as the National Teachers Association (NTA), considers the new ETA to be unduly influenced by the government and has complained of discrimination against its members. Such concerns have in turn been expressed internationally through a range of bodies including the International Labour Organization (ILO 2009).

THE MIS-EDCUATION OF ETHIOPIA'S YOUTH AND STOLEN FUTURES

Education of Ethiopia's youth is a human rights issue for me and not just a matter of professional concern as an educator. Corruption in the education sector is so severe that the future of Ethiopia's youth is at grave risk. As Transparency International admonishes,

"Stolen resources from education budgets mean overcrowded classrooms and crumbling schools, or no schools at all. Books and supplies are sometimes sold instead of being given out freely. Schools and universities also 'sell' school places or charge unauthorised fees, forcing students (usually girls) to drop out. Teachers and lecturers are appointed through family connections, without qualifications. Grades can be bought, while teachers force students to pay for tuition outside of class. In higher education, undue government and private sector influence can skew research agendas."

It is true "ignorance is strength". The Meles regime seeks to create an army of ignorant youth zombie clones who will march lockstep and follow their orders: "Zombie go, zombie stop, zombie think... zombie learn... zombie dumb... zombie dumber..." If ignorance is strength, then knowledge is power. When "ignorant" youth gain knowledge, they become an unstoppable force.

It may not be manifest to many but Ethiopia's mis-educated youth are on the rise. A quiet riot is raging among the youth debilitated by overwhelming despair and anguish. The youth look at themselves and their lost futures under a corrupt tyranny. They know things are not going to get better. For now the despair simmers but it will reach a boiling point. Mohamed Bouazizi was a 26-year-old Tunisian street vendor who set himself on fire in December 2010. Dictator Ben Ali did not see it coming, but the fire that consumed Bouazizi also consumed and transformed not only Tunisia but also led to an Arab Spring. Moamar Gadhafi, the great "Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution of Libya" died at the hands of youth he miseducated for 42 years. Informed, enlightened and interconnected Egyptian youth brought down the Mubarak regime in less than two weeks!

Ethiopia's youth will rise because there is no force that can keep them down. The only question is when not if. That is the immutable of law of history. In the end, I believe Ethiopia's youth will remember not the deeds and misdeeds of those who miseducated them and robbed them of their futures, but the silence of the scholars, intellectuals, academics, professors and learned men and women who watched the tyranny of ignorance like bronze statutes. I am confident in my conviction that there will come a time when Ethiopia's youth will stand up collectively, and each one pointing an index finger, shout out, "J'accuse!"

Ignorance is strength but knowledge is power! Fight the tyranny of ignorance. Educate yourself!

Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and is a practicing defense lawyer.

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