A hero of Fascist Benito Mussolini....Hamid Idris Awate of Eritrea who was paid and trained by Egypt to attack Ethiopia in 1960s

Hamid Idris Awate was born in 1910 in Gerset village located between Omhajer and Tessenei in Gash Setit region of South Western Eritrea, from a Nara father and Beni Amer mother. In 1935, he was conscripted by the Italians to serve in the colonial army of the Eritrean Ascaris. The Italians, impressed by Awate’s military performance and loyalty sent him to the Italian African Police training school in Tivoli about 30 km north-east of Rome, for a course in Military Intelligence. The Italian African Police force (Polizia dell'Africa Italiana or PAI) was a racially mixed organization, made up of Italian agents and native Ascaris. It was located in police headquarters of major cities like Tripoli, Benghazi, Asmara, Addis Ababa, Mogadishu, Gondar, or in small commissariats elsewhere.

During the fascist era of Benito Mussolini (1922–1943), the Italian African Police (Polizia dell'Africa Italiana or PAI) along with the Carabinieri were one of the police forces entrusted with suppressing opposition in Italian East Africa (Africa Orientale Italiana, or AOI), mainly in Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia.

The other role of Italian African Police (Polizia dell’Africa Italiana) along with the Carabinieri was to set up machine gun posts to control the rear of attacking regiments and prevent desertion. In the mid to late 1930s, the Italian African Police and the Carabinieri were responsible for the atrocities committed in Eritrea and Ethiopia during the Second Italo-Abyssinian War.

Recruitment to the Italian African Police was contingent on the degree of loyalty one shows and the ability to carry on instructions without question. Hamid Idris Awate was a proud and loyal member of the Italian African Police and Carabinieri who committed untold crimes on native Africans (Sudanese, Ethiopians and Eritreans) who were resisting the occupation of their land by Italy.

For his loyal service to the Italian occupation force he was first appointed as security officer in western Eritrea and later as deputy chief administrator of the city of Kassala, Sudan and its surroundings during the brief Italian occupation of that city in early 1940s. As administrator of Kassala he relentlessly worked to the political union of Kassala to Eritrea until the British attack of January 1941 put an end to his dreams. He further has fought gallantly with his Italian benefactors as a brave soldier in the battle of Keren.

As a loyal fascist soldier, the defeat of Italy by allied forces in East Africa disappointed Awate bitterly. After the British army liberated Eritrea from the Italians in 1941 he continued to wage guerilla warfare against the British for over a year, with the cavalrymen of Amedeo Guillet.

Amedeo Guillet (February 7, 1909 – June 16, 2010) also known as the devil commander was an officer of the Italian Army who commanded a band of cavalrymen "Gruppo Bande a Cavallo" during the Italian guerrilla war in Ethiopia in 1941–42. Guillet commanded approximately 2,500 locally recruited cavalrymen who were recruited from all over Ethiopia and Eritrea with Yemeni infantry men. They also consisted of some camel corps from Libya and were led with six European officers and Eritrean NCOs all hand-picked by Amedeo himself.

(N. B. Notice the similarity in attire between the pictures of Amedeo Guillet here and Hamid Idris Awate as cavalrymen above.)


(Photo: Amedeo Guillet with a native cavalryman)

One of these handpicked Non Commissioned Officers (NCOs) was Hamid Idris Awate who was in charge of 100 Ascari cavalrymen with another Eritrean officer of the Ascari named Ali Gabre. Guillet tried to delay the advance of the British Army when they crossed the Eritrean frontier in 1941. He fought the British army at Cherù on the road to Amba Alagie and Agordat and his delaying actions enabled the Italian army to regroup at Keren.
His actions saved the lives of thousands of Italians and Eritreans who withdrew from Amba Alagie. After nearly two months the British broke through the defenses of the Italians and Asmara was captured.

While most of the Italian army surrendered, Guillet refused to do so and began a private war against the British. He continued to wage a guerrilla campaign, ambushing British convoys and disrupting supply lines. For almost a year Guillet launched guerrilla actions against British troops, plundering convoys and attacking isolated military posts, with his beautiful gun-toting Ethiopian Muslim mistress Kedija by his side. She was the daughter of a chieftain from Simien in Gondar. In 1942 realizing the futility of his actions, Guillet managed to escape across the Red Sea to Yemen.

(Photo: Kedija – Mistress of Guillet the daughter of
An Ethiopian Chieftain from Simien, Gondar)

During this adventure one of the loyal subjects of Guillet was Hamid Idris Awate who was fighting for the return of the Duce’s African Empire. It was this guerilla experience which the ELF wanted to exploit when asking Awate to start the Eritrean insurrection in 1961.

After the departure of Guillet in 1942, Hamid Idris Awate based himself in the western lowlands of Eritrea in the vicinity of his tribal land with his army of approximately 50 men, and continued to fight the British, awaiting for the return of his commander Amedeo Guillet with help and reinforcement from Rome. He continued his fight against the British until 1945. After he realized that the empire of Fascist Italy was gone for good he continued his outlaw (shifta) life, this time targeting innocent Eritrean civilians. He conducted raids into Kunama villages and plundered cattle which he sold in the markets of Kassala, Sudan. He set ablaze countless Kunama villages and looted them and engaged in indiscriminate killing of Kunama women and children including infants.

Awate’s notoriety as a shifta and crimes against civilians was such that the then British Military Administration set a price of £300 for information leading to “the arrest or capture of Awate dead or alive”. He was a notorious outlaw (shifta) alongside other outlaws of the time like Weldegebriel Mosazghi of Berakit Abay and Berhe Mosazghi of Berakit Abay, Hagos Temnewo of Debri Adi Tsadek and Asresehenge Embaye of Areza, who were targeting defenseless highlanders of Akeleguzay, Seraye and Hamasien and killed countless Jebertis, Sahos and Kunama of South western lowlands of Eritrea. A 1949 British Military Administration document enumerates 51 such outlaws (shiftas) with a bounty on their heads with Awate at the top of the list and with the highest bounty of £300.

He was later pardoned by the British Administration in Eritrea in 1950 and given complete amnesty for his past crimes and allowed to return to his hometown. He was also allowed to retain his gun for personal protection. The restless and trigger happy Awate was living in his native village when the ELF approached him to start the armed struggle. He still had some of his band of outlaws with him. He was 50 years old at the time. Awate accepted the request by the ELF and in September of 1961, fired the first shot declaring the start of the armed struggle and was back in business again. He led the ELF armed wing for only about 20 months and died on May 28, 1962 presumably from food poisoning. Thus the so called “Eritrean war of independence” was launched by a criminal outlaw (shifta) and is still run by another outlaw (shifta) Isayas.

Hamid Idris Awate was a simple outlaw (shifta). An ordinary soldier entrusted with accomplishing a political goal charted out for him by ELF leadership in the Sudan. He never interfered nor tried to influence the political decision of the front, nor did he have the analyzing capacity of what he was doing. He was politically ignorant and was glad to do what he was trained to do his whole life and which he knew best how to do i.e. killing and causing mayhem.

He was a trigger happy fascist loyalist who worked against the interests of the Eritrean people in particular and colonized Africans in General, who continued to fight the British forces, alongside Amedeo Guillet, to bring back fascist Italian rule to Eritrea even after Mussolini’s army had surrendered in East Africa to the allied forces.

He was a fascist loyalist who conducted a guerrilla war for 5 whole years for “a king, country and a people whom he never saw or knew”. He was loyal Carabinieri who diligently worked to keep Eritreans under the yoke of Italian colonialism. As a right hand man of the Italian administration he approved and enforced the racist and oppressive policy of Italy which confiscated around half of the land of Eritrea under the principles of state land “Terreno Demaniale”, particularly around western lowlands of Eritrea during his tenure as administrator. He wanted to reinstate the Italian Fascist rule that dehumanized Eritreans using apartheid and segregation and continued to fight to bring back that system to East Africa for five whole years, until the end of the Second World War.

What makes Awate different from the tens of thousands of Eritrean, Ethiopian, and Somali Ascaris who fought alongside Italy is the fact that he conducted a guerilla war to reinstate the fascist rule on Eritrea even after the demise of Duce Mussolini’s empire and even after all the Italian soldiers and Ascaris have surrendered. He was more dedicated to fascism than the fascists themselves.

He did not even have the slightest concept of freedom let alone be a freedom fighter or a resistance fighter. The only resistance he showed was to resuscitate the dead empire of Benito Mussolini in East Africa.

Therefore, Awate does not deserve to be given the honorable title of a freedom fighter. Trying to glamorize and give Awate a face lift and give him a name which he does not deserve is not only gross representation, but also an insult to his victims.

He was a gun, available for hire to the highest bidder, a “Billy the kid” of Eritrea, who availed his services first to Benito Mussolini in 1935, next to Amedeo Guillet in 1941 out of love and loyalty to fascist Italy and later in 1961 to Idris Mohammed Adem and the ELF leadership in the Sudan, out of familial and ethnic loyalty.

When there was no one to hire him, he turned to cattle raiding and rustling for monetary gains, burning down whole villages indiscriminately, killing and massacring innocent civilians including infants, children and women. His primary victims were the Kunamas. Killing was just a profession for him. That in short is who Hamid Idris Awate was, no more and no less.

The tragic irony is that even though Awate had no noble intention when he fired the first shot, he is credited with starting the armed insurrection against the so called "Ethiopian colonizers" because of a historical accident.

An interesting and weird twist to the story of Amedeo Guillet is that he visited Eritrea in 2000 upon the express invitation of Isayas Afeworki. Isayas must have taken a few pointers from Italian rule about how to subjugate the Eritrean people. Like father like son, both Isayas and Awate were worshipers of Fascists of Douche Mussolini. The love of Isayas for Guillet came to light during his visit to Italy in 1999.

During his visit to Rome Isayas was asked whether there was any single Italian he would care to meet. Amedeo Guillet, he replied promptly. The then 90 yrs old Guillet was immediately summoned by Italian officials to meet the Eritrean head of state and was extended an invitation to visit Eritrea by Isayas, which Guillet did in 2000.

(Photo: Isayas Afeworki welcomes Amedeo to his country.
The president’s Palace was very familiar to Amedeo.
It used to be the Italian army’s headquarters. )

We also find another interesting twist to the story of Amedeo Guillet, who died on June 16, 2010 at the age of 101. The official website of Amedeo Guillet shows the picture of an Eritrean Greek by the name of Vassili Kiriakakos at the funeral of Guillet.

The name Kiriakakos kind of rings a familiar bell for Eritreans, and raises the question what the role of Eritrean Greeks in general and “the Kiriakakos’’ in particular was during the Italian occupation of Eritrea. How come one of the Kiriakakos’ comes to pay homage and attend the funeral of a well known Italian soldier of Benito Mussolini? Was there any collaboration by them with the regime of Benito Mussolini in East Africa? It makes one wonder. More research needs to be done to know the extent of the role of some of the Eritrean Greeks, if there was any, during the fascist era.

A Letter to Ethiopians:

By Obang Metho

Mr. Obang Metho encourages Ethiopians to not be discouraged by the fictionalized legacy of Meles because any government that stages the mourning for its deceased leader is a government in trouble. It is a sign of internal and external weakness and marks the beginning of the end of a dictatorship. The people of Ethiopia should take hold of this opportunity to demand intellectual freedom, rights, justice and a peoples’ government.
My fellow Ethiopians,


Our difficult journey together with Meles at the helm is over. The official TPLF-controlled mourning for him has ended. Many of you may be worried about the unknown direction of our country following Meles’ death, the infighting among the TPLF insiders for power and the absence of a strong alternative on the ground. There is an answer and it involves you at the grassroots.

We now need the people of Ethiopia, many of whom have not previously been involved, to take ownership of the direction we take as a people, like has been done successfully in other countries like Benin, Ghana, Zambia and South Africa, in order to ensure that our people—the primary stakeholders of Ethiopia—are controlling and managing our country’s transition from dictatorship to a free and democratic Ethiopia.

Together we begin a new day; yet, most of us are still reeling from the shock of how Meles’ brutal authoritarian legacy was publically portrayed so glowingly by both insiders and foreigners. What did we expect other than a charade? Probably nothing marked the Meles era more than its creation of a “sham Ethiopia” through pervasive intellectual dishonesty and the destruction of the people and the watchdog institutions meant to challenge it. After this week’s extreme measures to give the pretense that Meles was loved by the people—when he so brutally tyrannized them—should make us, the people, all the more determined to dismantle the foundational pillar of his and other dictatorships—intellectual tyranny. If we do not want to “live a lie,” each of us must start speaking the truth today—it is a powerful weapon against an evil system.

The famous Czech dissident, Vaclav Havel, who later became the country’s first president, wrote in his essay, “The Power of the Powerless,” how the “crust presented by the life of lies is made of strange stuff. As long as it seals off hermetically the entire society, it appears to be made of stone.… [until] a single person breaks the rules of the game, thus exposing it as a game—everything suddenly appears in another light and the whole crust seems then to be made of a tissue on the point of tearing and disintegrating uncontrollably.”

Meles feared intellectual freedom above all threats and waged an unceasing war against it; using his abilities to ruthlessly and systematically attack it from every possible angle. He was effective. It therefore should not surprise us that some of those eulogizing him created an “imaginary” Meles that none of us knew. Meles was a master illusionist, able to persuade or intimidate many to his point of view, carefully “managing” any facts—or voices—from the ground that might “interfere” with achieving his objectives. This was a man who cared so greatly about his image that he brought the “art of deception to a new level.” No wonder his funeral and now his legacy are being so highly staged. The fact that the bogus mourning of Ethiopians could only be accomplished through intimidation, bribery and force is only further evidence of this manufactured legacy.

As many of our people were forced to cry or to come out to publically mourn his passing, I hear the bitter irony in the stories of some of them. For example, one of those forced to publically weep for Meles was an Anuak mother from Gambella whose son was a victim of the Anuak genocide. As you may recall, the plans for the genocide, called “Operation Sunny Mountain,” began in the presence of Meles in his own office, according to official documents. The local government prevented this mother and others who had lost loved ones from an outward display of sorrow at the time as well as at memorial services as it would have cast a negative light on the regime. When recently ordered to cry for Meles, this mother refused. She said, “I could not cry when my own son was murdered by the Ethiopian National Defense Forces; why would I cry for the man who was in charge of the defense forces?”

In Meles’ fictional Ethiopia—a falsified Ethiopia controlled by a narrow-minded, ethno-centric model of nations and nationalities that denied the people their rights based on ethnicity, rather recognizing their rights based on their humanity—Meles was called a visionary leader and a champion of the poor. Admittedly, some did benefit, particularly those beneficiaries from his own minority ethnic group—7 % of the population—and his own region as well as those chosen as demonstration sites funded by international donors; but outside of these, many Ethiopians are worse off as they have been neglected; or worse yet, they have lost their land and livelihoods to regime cronies and their foreign partners.

Had many Ethiopians truly been better off because of Meles, Ethiopians would have honestly wept for him without coercion. Those in government jobs and those students attending government schools would have freely mourned rather than been forced to do so on the streets of Addis. Even patients in hospitals were forced from their beds out to the streets. Security agents would not have made lists of people required to cry on the streets if these people would have truly benefited from Meles’ policies.
Others would not have been beaten when they resisted, like the political prisoner who refused to cry inside prison before the cameras of the government-controlled Ethiopian Television station. To the outsider, it may look like Meles had a popular following, but to insiders, it was a demonstration reminiscent of the mourning for North Korean dictator, Kim Jong-Il last December. Deception has been a tool of the government and must be exposed.

Meles has won the war against intellectual freedom while he lived. Just because he is gone does not mean that the system that promoted and maintained false delusions is gone. The structures supporting this dictatorship—like intellectual dishonesty—must be dismantled and reformed or the movement to freedom and democracy of the people will be hijacked.

The national crisis in our homeland is not only about one ethnic group, one religious group, one regional group or one political group. For millions of Ethiopians living within the country, every new day brings the harsh realities of life under a system of dictatorship, but today, as never before during this regime, we have an opportunity. The dictator is gone and the system of dictatorship remains, but please understands this very clearly; the system requires the cooperation of millions of Ethiopians to sustain it. Do not do it.

We have an opportunity before us and if we are ever to see a free and democratic Ethiopia, we must seize what may be our God-given moment to reclaim ownership of our country. We the people of Ethiopia can join together, wherever we are, in restoring truth to our land as the cornerstone of a free society.

When the SMNE was formed in 2008, we envisioned a mission where Ethiopians would not be separated by ethnicity, but where we might all come together by individually and collectively doing our share to solve our common problems as one people and as one family—an Ethiopian family—for we are people who come from the same land, who breath the same air and who have the same thirst for freedom. We have now lived under a dictatorship for forty years and it has brought us to a dead end.

We in the SMNE, along with others, can work on a vision and plan for the country, but without the backing of the people, even Mandela could not lead. Only a force of Ethiopians, demanding their God-given rights by making noise in the public square, will give voice to the people and provide the legitimacy and authority needed for change. It will take a pluralistic voice of all Ethiopians—from every part of our country, from every ethnic group, religious group, and political group—to be heard.

Start by reconciling with your neighbor. Take his or her hand in yours as together we move forward to replace a dictatorial system with a free and democratic Ethiopia. Speak the truth! Expose the lies! Dismantle the criminalization of free speech! Be the single person who breaks the rules of the game! This applies to all Ethiopians, including the TPLF and EPRDF members, not only those opposed to Meles. It includes those who glorified him and who maintained his ethnic-based-apartheid system; for this system is coming to an end.

We hear the rumblings of the shaken unity of the TPLF/EPRDF from within and know its foundation is crumbling. It is a matter of time before it will collapse. It is like the African tree which only bears such bitter fruit that no one eats it—even the wild animals and birds. Yet, its fruit is so heavy that its weight can break its own branches and bring down the whole tree. The fruit of the tree brings its own destruction by itself. In other words, the sham policies of the TPLF have produced bitter fruit the majority of Ethiopians does not want and its infighting and rejection by the people will soon bring it down by itself.

Now, the TPLF central committee officials are trying to avoid their demise by refusing to give over power to those outside their own ethnic group. This is seen in their reluctance to appoint Hailemariam Desalegn, the Acting Deputy Prime Minister, as interim prime minister or by even refusing to call him acting prime minister. He is from the wrong tribe and therefore is not trusted by the TPLF inner circle. Meles put him into this position give the charade of diverse ethnic governance for public view, but it is now backfiring on the TPLF.

In conclusion, the TPLF/EPRDF has reached a dead end and has nowhere to go and now the only driver who knew how to quickly maneuver the ethnic train from impending destruction is gone. The collision of the ethnic train with the will of the people is imminent. The only way to rescue Ethiopians, including the TPLF/ERPDF supporters, is through reconciliation and the restoration of intellectual freedom and justice based on mutually beneficial interests.

The SMNE has been working behind the scenes to play a collaborative role in a meaningful people-empowered process to make sure that easy short-cuts do not hijack a movement to a transformed and reformed Ethiopian society.

May God help us, give us courage and protection, and be honored in all we do. May He show us the right road to truth, freedom, justice and reconciliation!

Your brother in our struggle for a New Ethiopia,

Obang Metho,
Executive Director of the SMNE
Email: Obang@solidaritymovement.org.
Website: www.solidaritymovement.org

On Honoring Ethiopia and the Lost Art of Diplomacy By Tecola W. Hagos

Having political and economic power and maintaining diplomatic skill are not mutually exclusive qualities of a great nation. Too often, especially from the end of the Second World War to date, the art of diplomacy has suffered immensely and was replaced by crude and plebian methods of diplomatic relationships. The Cold War era, which was ended only some fifteen years ago, could be considered as one clear period in diplomatic history as an illustrative period of poor diplomatic relationships in world history.

Given the undeniable fact that the late Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, was a loyal friend of the People and Government of the United States, I am not happy with the low level delegation of the United States sent to the burial ceremony of September 2, 2012. This article is not an endorsement of Meles Zenawi per se, but about our Ethiopian pride and rightful place in history. Meles Zenawi carried out several of the strategic demands of the United States in the region, at times even against the national security interest of Ethiopia (for example, the signing of the 2000 Algiers Agreement). Most notable in such activities helpful to the United States was Meles Zenawi’s anti terrorism policies in furthering mainly the security interest of the United States, at the cost of Ethiopia’s own national security interest in maintaining peaceful relationships with aspiring powers in the region.

I believe that the United States Government lost one singular opportunity by failing to send high level delegation to the funeral ceremony of the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, which would have helped the United States to demonstrate its appreciation for real services rendered by the Government of Meles Zenawi and also a chance to extend further the national security strategy of the United States. No matter how I feel about Meles Zenawi because in my eyes he failed to serve Ethiopia’s national security interest in very many areas, he was an extremely effective friend of the United States in carrying out the biddings of the several Governments of the United States from the time of President Bill Clinton to date.

It is my sincere hope that people reading this essay will not misunderstand the essence of this brief commentary. I am not in any way denigrating the Honorable Ambassador Susan Rice that the United States Government sent as its delegation head to the burial ceremony of Meles Zenawi. Ambassador Susan Rice in her own right is a great diplomat and above all a sister that I greatly honor and greatly admire. My point is that President Barak Obama himself should have attended the funeral ceremony for Meles Zenawi. Period. At the very least he should have sent his Vice President.

I am not just mouthing off criticism on the United States just for the sake of beating on the Obama Administration. I believe they are the best team, but they do make mistakes now and then, in case of Ethiopia following a pattern long established by several administrations from the time of President Truman. In studying the diplomatic history between the United States’ governments/administrations and that of Ethiopia’s, I am puzzled and also felt insulted by the low regard that the United States governments/administrations seem to have for Ethiopia over the period of several decades. As far as I am concerned the beginning of all good diplomatic relations between states starts and ends with one element that of respect. No matter how I admire and honor Susan Rice, she is not a head of state or of a government. In fact, in the scheme of things, she is fifth or sixth on the hierarchical ladder of the bureaucratic structure of the Government of the United States. One rational for such low level choice of Delegation by the Obama Administration, maybe due to an honest desire on the part of the Administration to send someone who was a close family friend to the late Prime Minister, and it seems that there was very endearing working relationship between Susan Rice with Meles Zenawi. Especially after listening to the heart touching speech given by Rice at the Ceremony, it is obvious to me the depth of the personal sorrow of Ambassador Rice.


There are certain important points I need to make in connection with the question of respecting Ethiopia and Ethiopians. This is not the first time that Western Governments missed opportunities to honor Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people. When Emperor Haile Selassie’s formal reburial was carried out in Addis Ababa on 5 November 2000, no foreign states sent any representative to that funeral. The fact that the Government of Meles Zenawi refused to allow a “State” funeral might have discouraged such foreign governments from sending delegations; however, I have not found any evidence that any state tried to send delegation and was refused by the Ethiopian Government. Great nations should find ways to show their appreciation and gratitude for not so great leaders of other nations but had been of great service to them.


A national leader should not be hemmed in or be defined by short term events, but must see the larger picture and transcend mere skills for greater wisdom in pursuing truly great diplomatic relationship. Would it not have been sublime for the United States Government to send its representatives to honor its long time loyal friend Emperor Haile Selassie at his funeral in 2000? I would say the same to the Government of the United Kingdom. After all, Emperor Haile Selassie other than the fact of being long time friend of Great Britain and its people was also invested with the highest honor that the Queen of England could bestow—Emperor Haile Selassie was the Knight of the Order of the Garter (1954), the only African in the seven hundred history of the Order founded by Edward III in 1344. Queen Elizabeth II is a member of that Order, and as such she should have sent a delegation to honor Emperor Haile Selassie at his reburial in 2000, if not for anything else, but for his membership in that ancient and great Order of the Garter.


Diplomacy need not be limited to deceptions, manipulations, out right lies, et cetera, it can be also a vehicle to ennoble the human soul. It can lift us above the cacophony of ordinary lives. It can endear people from different parts of the world to each other in far more solid and meaningful manner. I do hope the Honorable Ambassador Susan Rice, and the Government of President Barack Obama will read this brief comment in good light. God Bless the people of Ethiopia and the people of the United States.

Tecola W. Hagos
Washington DC, September 3, 2012

What Killed Meles Zenawi? By Tibebe Samuel Ferenji

“The stirrings within us have their own fearful excesses; the excesses show which way these stirrings would take us. They are simply a sign to remind us constantly that death, the rupture of discontinuous individualities to which we cleave in terror, stands there before us more real than life itself.”

First of all, I would like to express my sympathy to the family, friends and supporters of Prime Minster Meles Zenawi. Although his death is celebrated in some quarters of our society, there is no question that his death has been very painful to those who loved him and supported him. Regardless of the wrongs he did to the country and the people of Ethiopia, I sympathize with those he left behind. I wish him to live for different reasons than those who are mourning his death. God has chosen his own way; thus, we have no choice but to reflect on the death of Mr. Zenawi and the legacy he left behind. Although so much has been said and written about his death, very few people have asked What killed Mr. Zenawi. The government of Ethiopia has been very secretive about the illness and the circumstances of Mr. Zenawi’s death. Why? In this piece, the writer would like to shade some light in the circumstances of the death of Mr. Zenawi and the strange coincidences.


Few months ago, this writer was watching Aljazeera documentary regarding the investigation about the death of former Palestinian leader Yasir Araft. Mr. Arafat was 75 years old when he died in November 11, 2004. Mr. Arafat was treated in France for unspecified illness when he suddenly slipped into a coma. Mr. Araft’s death remains a mystery until now. The cause of his death was never determined. According to several reports, the French officials have been unwilling to release the details of Mr. Arafat’s illness. Strangely enough, Aljazeera was running a documentary in the beginning of July 2012 regarding its investigation about the death of Mr. Arafat. In the documentary titled “What killed Arafat,” Aljazeera stated that Swiss institute examined clothing provided by Arafat’s widow Suha Arafat and determined that there were high levels of polonium-210, the same substance found that has reportedly killed a former Russian spy in London in 2006. Arafat was treated in France and the French government and the Palestinian Authorities have been silent about Arafat’s death and what his illness was.


The Israel government and its propaganda machine disseminated false information claiming that Arafat died because of HIV/AIDS. However, Aljazeera’s investigation revealed that Araft did not have AIDS. In fact, the investigation revealed that there was no specific illness that caused Araft’s death. Strangely enough, in July 2012, both the Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi Assres and Ghana’s president John Evans Atta Mills died few months after visiting Washington. Mr. Zenawi and Mr. Mill were both participants in G-8 meeting that took place in the United States on May 18, 2012 and May 19, 2012. The last public appearance for Mr. Zenawi was on June 19, 2012, in Mexico during the G-20 meeting. For those of us who closely examined Mr. Zenawi’s physical appearance on May 19, 2012 and June 19, 2012, it is clear that Mr. Meles has lost enormous amount of weight; he also looked pail and unhealthy. Talking to some Medical Doctors in the field, they found it very strange to see such a rapid change in weight and physical appearance of Mr. Zenawi.


Although the Ethiopian government declared that Mr. Zenawi died on August 20, 2012, reliable sources have stated he died in mid July 2012. The Ethiopian government did not leave us in the dark regarding the illness that caused Mr. Zenawi, the government has been reluctant to inform the general public the name of the hospital where Mr. Zenawi was treated. Ironically, Ghana’s president John Mill also died on July 24, 2012. As Mr. Zenawi’s death, Mr. Mill’s death was sudden and unexpected.


According to media accounts in Ghana, Mr. Mills was taken to a Military hospital in Ghana on July 23, 2012 where he suddenly died a day later. For those who saw the physical appearance of Mr. Arafat before his death, the physical appearance of the Russian Spy Alexander Valterovich Litvinenko who was killed in London with Polonium, and the physical appearance of Mr. Zenawi on June 19, 2012 in Mexico, it is not difficult to see their similarity. What is interesting in death of Mr. Mill is that there is also suspicion in his death. Some people in Ghana are requesting an investigation into the death of Mr. Mill. Daniel Danquah Damptey, a Ghanaian Blogger has implicated the current president of Ghana, president Mahama, in the death of former president Mill.


Fortunately for Ghana, there is a clear Constitutional order indicating who would replace a president in his untimely death. There is no fear and there is no sign of instability in Ghana. In Ethiopia, the Constitution does not clearly define who takes power in the untimely death of Mr. Zenawi. Ghana exemplifies what a lasting peace and stability looks like when a country is ruled by an institution instead of one strong man. On the other hand, Ethiopia reflects what it means to a country when one man was in control of every aspect of the government.


Unlike Mr. Zenawi, Mr. Mill is praised for taking Ghana through a democratic path. As Mr. Damptey put it in his article, there is mystery in the death of Mr. Mill. The government is not fully disclosing the circumstances of Mr. Mill’s death. Like the people of Ghana, the Ethiopian people are also kept in the dark about the circumstances of “the illness” that took the life of Mr. Zenawi. The government is operating with the rule of the jungle and blatantly stated to the Ethiopian people that the detail of Mr. Zenawi’s health and lack thereof is not our business.


After Aljazeera’s investigation became public, Suha Arafat has since called for her husband’s body to be exhumed from its mausoleum in the West Bank city of Ramallah. The Palestinian Authoritative has publicly stated it will exhume Mr. Araft’s body, since its decision however, the Palestinian Authority has been back peddling. The report indicated there was no Autopsy performed after the death of Mr. Arafat. We don’t know if there was autopsy performed after the death of Mr. Zenawi.


The Ethiopian people have the right to know What Killed Mr. Zenawi. CPJ has indicated that Mr. Zenawi died due to Liver Cancer. If that is true, then the government needs to disclose the information. Although Bereket Simon hinted that Mr. Zenawi was ill the last one year, the ETV, has been indicating that Mr. Zenawi has been ill the last two years. Such conflicting stories do not give any credence to the government whose credibility has been already tarnished the last 21 years. What is the EPRDF hiding? What are those close to the late prime minister are hiding? Is there any relation between the death of Mr. Zenawi and Mr. Mill? We are going to have lots of time to reflect, criticize and praise Mr. Zenawi; this writer believes that History will not be kind to Mr. Zenawi. It is the hope of this writer that Historians, not Politicians put Mr. Zenawi’s legacy in perspective and show to the rest of the world his true color. Whether we like it or not, Mr. Zenawi has left a big foot print in the history of Ethiopia. This writer believes that Mr. Zenawi has done more harm to the country than good. Now, Mr. Zenawi’s death is official, we need to know how and when exactly Mr. Zenawi died; whether we opposed or supported him, we all need to know, and deserve to know What killed Mr. Zenawi. If there is nothing to hide, then, the EPRDF needs to fully disclose the circumstances of Mr. Zenawi’s death. The government also needs to fully disclose in what hospital Mr. Zenawi was treated, and who his Doctors were. The writer asks those who read this piece to contact Aljazeera and ask to investigate the death of Mr. Zenawi and Mr. Mill. We all should demand that an autopsy performed on Mr. Zenawi by an independent institution before his burial


Having said that, I would like to express my deepest sympathy for millions of Ethiopian victims who did not get a proper justice as a result of Mr. Meles Zenawi’s death. May the almighty God protect and watch over our country and people in this difficult time.

The Death of the Prime Minister: Happiness or Mourning? BY YohannesY

We witnessed a great drama unfold in the Ethiopian political arena; the drama was performed by the Ethiopian government representative Bereket Simon, who finally answered questions about the prime minister’s health. Rather than telling the truth, he told the country Zenawi was in vacation and getting doctor recommended rest. More importantly, he stated that Zenawi’s health was in good conditions. On Aug 21, 2012, the same man came out and told the world that the Prime Minster was dead. That itself was very difficult to absorb, and further complicated the already complex Ethiopian politics. Essentially, information minister simply did not tell the truth.

Then ESAT came out as a great champion for telling the world the reality of the death of the prime minister. This reflected the maturity of the Ethiopian opposition force and its investigative work to uncover the truth was commendable. ESAT can be a force for democratic change in Ethiopia. I can tell the future, ESAT is going to be a great threat for the regime in Addis Ababa for years to come.

In the United States and around the world, celebration and mourning continued as Ethiopians inside the country were so confused by this drama. Zenawai is not a man that can be placed simply in black and white standards. While he was anti democratic, he recruited himself as the champion of the poor. However, he focusing only on infrastructural development but he totally ignored the consciousness of Ethiopia and basic human right issues, treating human rights issues as irrelevant.

He harassed Ethiopian journalists and oppositions till his last breath. And he made Ethiopia as the biggest aid recipient in Africa. Not to mention, he controlled 99.6 percent of the Ethiopian vote, dismantled any independent organizations and news media and heavily meddled in religious issues in Ethiopia.

Furthermore, nothing was ever really clear on his beliefs as well. His political stance was never clear, and no one was sure whether he wanted a communist or democratic regime. At one point people even questioned if he was actually Eritrean. But to silence such tacks he closed all news media and killed and harassed anyone who opposed him. He made Ethiopia the biggest land locked country in the world and he did a lot of other crime against his own country and humanity.

Then the drama by the TPLF agents continue, now as if the prime mister was loved by all the Ethiopian people, and people were showered by all kind of TV shows on how the people was crying and mourning the death of the Prime Minister. Even though I recognize the Ethiopian people forgiveness and kind heartedness, I have a hard time believing many were truly, truly saddened by his death.

(Those who follow the news would also have heard of the death of Kim Jong-il, North Korea’s late leader. It’s funny noting the similarities between North Korea’s and Ethiopia’s respective reactions to their leaders’ death, despite both maintaining dictatorial regimes.)

After we heard of the death of Meles Zenwai, one person said it felt as if a thick dark cloud of darkness was removed from the country, along with Zenawi’s dictatorial and tribal regime. Now, we only wait to see how the new Prime Minister operates his government. Now, we Ethiopians can only wait to see what happens.

World leaders mourn death of Ethiopia's Meles Zenawi

President Barack Obama, USA
It was with sadness that I learned of the passing of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia. Prime Minister Meles deserves recognition for his lifelong contribution to Ethiopia’s development, particularly his unyielding commitment to Ethiopia’s poor. I met with Prime Minister Meles at the G-8 Summit in May and recall my personal admiration for his desire to lift millions of Ethiopians out of poverty through his drive for food security. I am also grateful for Prime Minister Meles’s service for peace and security in Africa, his contributions to the African Union, and his voice for Africa on the world stage. On behalf of the American people, I offer my condolences to Prime Minister Meles’ family and to the people of Ethiopia on this untimely loss, and confirm the U.S. Government’s commitment to our partnership with Ethiopia. Going forward, we encourage the Government of Ethiopia to enhance its support for development, democracy, regional stability and security, human rights, and prosperity for its people.
Raila Odinga, Kenyan Prime Minister Meles Zenawi was a great leader, an intellectual, someone who was very dedicated to pan-Africanism. One will remember him for the great effort he put in to transforming the Ethiopian economy.
One fears for the stability of Ethiopia upon his death because you know that the Ethiopian state is fairly fragile and there is a lot of ethnic violence... I don't know that [Ethiopian politicians] are sufficiently prepared for a succession: this is my fear, that there may be a falling out within the ruling movement.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon
Mr Meles would be remembered "for his exceptional leadership and advocacy on African issues within and outside the continent" and for overseeing his country's economic development.
Jacob Zuma, South African President
It is an absolute tragedy for Africa and the people of Ethiopia to mourn such an exceptional leader who contributed as an active role-player in various continental and global initiatives. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi had been a strong leader, not only for his country but on the African continent, acting as mediator on numerous talks, particularly in the Horn of Africa region.
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, President of Liberia
Meles Zenawi was an economic transformer, he was a strong intellectual leader for the continent. In our regional meetings he stood out because of his intellect and his ability to respond and to lead dialogue on matters relating to African development. He will be missed in all of our meetings and all of our endeavour.
I don't have fears [over the transition] because I believe there are many other leaders in Ethiopia who will get the support of regional leaders to make the transformation that is necessary, moving towards an open society.
Barnaba Benjamin, South Sudanese Information Minister
It's a very, very sad day for the people of the Republic of South Sudan and the people of the East African region as a whole. This has been a tremendous nationalist leader, a president who had always let peace come to his neighbours. We in South Sudan in particular, consider Ethiopia and especially Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, a strategic ally that (who) always never let a friend down. Indeed we greatly mourn him and we extend our extensive condolences to the people of Ethiopia.
European Commission president Jose Manuel Barroso
Prime Minister Meles was a respected African leader. He demonstrated his strong personal commitment over many years to improving the lives of not just his own but all African peoples, through his work on African unity, climate change, development and in promoting peace and stability, particularly in the Horn of Africa. I sincerely hope that Ethiopia will enhance its path of democratisation, upholding of human rights and prosperity for its people, and of further regional stabilisation and integration
David Cameron, British Prime Minister
Prime Minister Meles was an inspirational spokesman for Africa on global issues and provided leadership and vision on Somalia and Sudan. His personal contribution to Ethiopia's development, in particular by lifting millions of Ethiopians out of poverty, has set an example for the region. Our thoughts are with his family and with the nation of Ethiopia. He will be greatly missed.
Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair
It is with great sadness that I learned of Meles Zenawi's death. He was a hugely significant figure in Ethiopia's history, in particular helping guide his country from extreme poverty to an era of economic growth and development. My deepest condolences go to his family and the people of Ethiopia.
Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki called Meles a "pragmatic and visionary" leader who helped stabilise his country, adding that his death was a "devastating loss", while South African President Jacob Zuma lauded Meles as "a strong leader, not only for his country but on the African continent".
Asuman Kiyingi, Uganda's state minister for regional cooperation, said his country was "shocked and saddened" by Meles's death. "He has been so instrumental in finding solutions to African problems," Kiyingi told AFP, noting Meles' support for African Union forces battling the Shebab. Cameroon President Paul Biya said Ethiopia had lost "one of its most illustrious sons".
President of Chad Idriss Deby Itno described him as a "great statesman" whose death was a "great loss for the African continent".

Cheetahs, Hippos and Saving Ethiopia

George Ayittey, one of the foremost African public global intellectuals, metaphorically suggests that Africa’s destiny will be determined by the promise of the “Cheetah Generation” or the paralysis of the “Hippo Generation”. As he explains,
The Cheetah Generation refers to the new and angry generation of young African graduates and professionals, who look at African issues and problems from a totally different and unique perspective. They are dynamic, intellectually agile, and pragmatic. They may be the ‘restless generation’ but they are Africa’s new hope. They brook no nonsense about corruption, inefficiency, ineptitude, incompetence, or buffoonery. They understand and stress transparency, accountability, human rights, and good governance. They also know that many of their current leaders are hopelessly corrupt and that their governments are contumaciously dysfunctional and commit flagitious human rights violations. The Cheetahs do not look for excuses for government failure by wailing over the legacies of the slave trade, Western colonialism, imperialism, the World Bank or an unjust international economic system. To the Cheetahs, this ‘colonialism-imperialism’ paradigm, in which every African problem is analyzed, is obsolete and kaput. Unencumbered by the old shibboleths, Cheetahs can analyze issues with remarkable clarity and objectivity. The outlook and perspectives of the Cheetahs are refreshingly different from those of many African leaders, intellectuals, or elites, whose mental faculties are so foggy and their reasoning or logic so befuddled that they cannot distinguish between right and wrong. They blame everybody else for Africa’s problems except themselves.
On the other hand, the “Hippo Generation” is
intellectually astigmatic and stuck in their muddy colonialist pedagogical patch. They can see with eagle-eyed clarity the injustices perpetrated by whites against blacks, but they are hopelessly blind to the more heinous injustices they perpetrate against their own black people. They are stodgy, pudgy, and wedded to the old “colonialism-imperialism” paradigm with an abiding faith in the potency of the state. They lack vision and sit tight in their air-conditioned government offices, comfortable in their belief that the state can solve all of Africa’s problems. All the state needs is more power and more foreign aid. And they would ferociously defend their territory since that is what provides [us] with [our] wealth. (Hippos kill more people in Africa than any other animal.) They care less if the whole country collapses around them, but are content as long as their pond is secure… But now is not the time for the cheetahs to take over. They will be ripped up by the ornery and nasty Hippos. Rather, they should build up on their skills, strength and accumulate knowledge and wealth — in the private sector — while methodically draining the swamp of the Hippos. Soon, the [Hippos] will find themselves ‘homeless’ and then the Cheetahs can take over.
The youth are the most dynamic segment in any society. Two of history’s evil men understood the importance of controlling and “owning” youth. Vladimir Lenin, the founder of the totalitarian Soviet state promised, “Give me just one generation of youth, and I’ll transform the whole world.” His counterpart in the Third Reich proclaimed, “He alone, who owns the youth, gains the future.” Both used their nations’ youths as cannon fodder to realize their warped vision of world domination. For the past decade, Ethiopia’s dictators have sought to buy the loyalty and allegiance of the country’s best and brightest. Most of the country’s university graduates have been held hostage to Dictator Meles Zenawi’s corrupt neopatrimonial system. Zenawi has used various means to recruit, control, politicize and depoliticize the country’s youth. He has made economic survival impossible for the youth of the country except through membership in a syndicate palmed off as a political party.
Now is the Time for Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation to Lead the Way to National Reconciliation
It is now time for Ethiopia’s cheetahs to take a leading role in the national dialogue to transition Ethiopia from dictatorship to democracy. Such a prescriptive declaration might be surprising to some coming from a card-carrying member of the “Loyal Order of African (Ethiopian) Hippos”. But over the years, I have learned to appreciate the sacrifices of Ethiopia’s cheetahs and have been awed by their transformative potential. In numerous weekly commentaries, I have despaired over their plight under Zenawi’s dictatorship but nevertheless insisted that they must be the tip of the spear in bringing about democratic change in Ethiopia. In June 2010, I reflected over what could happen if the rage bottled up in Ethiopia’s youth suddenly exploded:
The wretched conditions of Ethiopia’s youth point to the fact that they are a ticking demographic time bomb. The evidence of youth frustration, discontent, disillusionment and discouragement by the protracted economic crisis, lack of economic opportunities and political repression is manifest, overwhelming and irrefutable. The yearning of youth for freedom and change is self-evident. The only question is whether the country’s youth will seek change through increased militancy or by other peaceful means….
This past April, in my ongoing series on “Ethiopia’s transition from dictatorship to democracy”, I argued against the “conventional wisdom [that] says the important task of managing the transition from dictatorship to democracy should be left to the elites—the politicians, party leaders, bureaucrats, academics and other institutional leaders.” I insisted that “for there to be a truly a… durable democracy in [Ethiopia], the dialogue base must be expanded to broadly include… women and the youth…”
Ethiopian Youth Must Lead a National Dialogue in Search of a Path to Peaceful Change
Ethiopia today is a country without a head of state or a functioning government. The “prime minster” has literally gone AWOL. Apparently, no one knows where he is or even if he is alive. He has not been seen or heard of in public for the past two months. The “deputy prime minster” is as invisible as a ghost. The “president” is… Is there a president? The opposition is as silent as the gravestone. Who can save Ethiopia?
Since the beginning of 2012, I have been talking and writing about Ethiopia’s inevitable transition from dictatorship to democracy. More recently, I called for a national dialogue in the spirit of President Nelson Mandela. I now call upon and appeal to all of Ethiopia’s youth to lead the transitional national dialogue because I believe Ethiopia’s salvation and destiny rests not in the hardened jaws of the hippos but in the soft paws of the cheetahs.
Why MUST Ethiopia’s cheetahs lead the national dialogue for a peaceful transition from dictatorship to democracy? First, if the cheetahs do not initiate the dialogue, which will? Who can? The hippos have been dialoguing for decades using the language of finger pointing, mudslinging, hatemongering and grudge holding. Second, the future belongs to the cheetahs (an estimated 67 percent of Ethiopia’s population is said to be under the age of 35) and not the hippos who continue to wallow in the muddy politics of ethnicity and sectarianism. Third, Ethiopia’s cheetahs are already doing much of the heavy lifting. They have been paying the price for democracy, freedom and human rights in blood, sweat and tears. The best and the brightest have been persecuted, prosecuted, brutalized and silenced by dictator Meles Zenawi. At the top of the list are Birtukan Midekssa, Eskinder Nega, Andualem Aragie, Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa, Reeyot Alemu, Abebe Gellaw, Temesgen Desalegn, Yenesew Gebre, the hundreds of victims of the 2005 massacres and so many others. Fifth, Ethiopia’s cheetahs are paying the full price for the stupidity, narrow mindedness and incompetence of the hippos. Sixth, unlike the hippos, Ethiopia’s cheetahs have the best chance of leading a successful transition because they are focused on the future and not the past. Current violations of human rights are more important to Ethiopia’s cheetahs than historic grievances. They would rather seek justice today than remain paralyzed talking about the injustices of yesterday. Ethiopia’s cheetahs would rather steer the Ethiopian ship of state looking through the windshield than looking in the rear view mirror.
Beginning the Dialogue on National Reconciliation
The dialogue on national reconciliation in Ethiopia must begin within Ethiopia’s youth communities. Ethiopia’s cheetah’s must empower themselves, create their own political and social space, set their own agendas and begin multifaceted dialogues on their country’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. They must develop their own awareness campaigns and facilitate vital conversations among youth communities cutting across language, religion, ethnicity region and so on. Their dialogues must be based on the principles of openness, truth and commitment to democracy, freedom and human rights. They must dialogue without fear or loathing. Above all, the cheetahs must “own” the dialogue process. At a gathering of cheetahs, hippos should be seen and not heard; tolerated but not involved. The cheetahs must keep a sharp eye on the hippos who are very skillful in political intrigues and expert at finding ways of getting involved to take over and manipulate the youth.
Informal dialogues among activist youth. For a variety of reasons, it is most practical for Ethiopia’s cheetahs to begin dialogue on national reconciliation at the informal level. For instance, such dialogues could initially take place among like-minded activist youth at the neighborhood level. Activist youth could undertake an assessment of their capabilities, potentials, opportunities and obstacles in setting up and managing a community-based informal reconciliation youth dialogues. Youth activist should focus on creating broader youth awareness and involvement in the dialogue process and utilization of existing organizations, institutions, associations, forums, etc., for national reconciliation dialogue. These dialogues should begin by focusing on certain key questions: Who are Ethiopia’s cheetahs and how committed are they in shaping the democratic destiny of their country? Are these cheetahs committed to nonviolent political change? Are they willing to commit to national dialogue as brothers and sisters?
Cheetahs should rely on themselves (and not expect much help from hippos) in beginning informal dialogues. In the past, Ethiopia’s cheetahs have looked up to the hippos for political guidance and direction. But hippos in and out of power have sought to marginalize the cheetahs.In the aftermath of the 2005 election, the hippos in power understood the power of the cheetahs and took active measures to blunt their impact by organizing them to support the regime and avoid involvement in opposition politics. They tried to control the cheetahs by creating and inducting millions of them into mass organizations and indoctrinating them in the bogus and mindless ideology of “revolutionary democracy”, bribing them with educational and job opportunities and threatening them with a variety of legal and extra-legal sanctions. By co-opting the most dynamic segment of the youth, the hippos in power were able to prevent large-scale youth engagement on the issues of human rights and democracy. Regrettably, the cheetahs were abandoned by the hippos out of power after the 2005 election. Ethiopia’s cheetahs must begin to develop self-reliance in transitioning their country from dictatorship to democracy.
Learning from and supporting each other and learning from the mistakes of the hippos and other youths. Ethiopia’s cheetahs have much to learn from each other, from the mistakes of the hippo generation and youths from other nations. Dialogue involves not only talking but also listening to each other. Youth from Ethiopia’s multiethnic society have much to learn from each other and build upon the strengths of the diverse youth communities. Much can be learned from the mistakes of the hippo generation. For starters, the cheetahs should learn that to disagree on issues does not mean becoming mortal enemies. It is possible to disagree without being disagreeable. Civility in dialogue, though lacking among hippos, is essential for cheetahs .Ethiopia’s cheetahs must also learn from the mistakes of other youth movements. Youth power was the catalyzing force in Tunisia and Egypt. They creatively used mobile technology to mobilize the youth population, but in the end they were marginalized.
Ethiopia’s Destiny hangs in the Balance
Many societies face generational gaps as the youth rebel against tradition and societal norms. In Ethiopia today, there are two different generations. The cheetah generation wants freedom, human rights and democracy now. The hippo generation wallows in a mucky swamp of corruption, nepotism, cronyism, criminality and inhumanity. The cheetah generation wants to drain the swamp. The hippo generation is hopelessly trapped in the bog of ethnic politics and revenge politics.
Africans know all too well that hippos (including their metaphorical human counterparts) are dangerous animals that are fiercely territorial and attack anything that comes into their turf. Every year more people are killed by hippos (both the real and metaphorical ones) in Africa than lions or elephants. Cheetahs are known to be the fastest animals, but their weakness is that they give up the chase easily if they fail to make a catch quickly or surrender the prey they have caught when challenged by other predators including hyenas. A group of hippos is known as a crash. A group of cheetahs is called a “coalition”. Only a coalition of cheetahs organized across ethnic, religious, linguistic and regional lines can crash a crash of hippos and a cackle of hyenas and save Ethiopia.